Another valuable appendix is a catalogue of the successive generations of the Earls of Warwick, drawn in a chronological series, with a statement of their places of sepulture and existing monuments. This, though a simple and obvious arrangement, we believe has not been done before; and it would be so useful if applied to the whole of the ancient peerage, that we shall extract it, in order to make the plan more generally known:

"Series of the Houses of Beauchamp, Neville, and Plantagenet, Earls of Warwick, with the places of their sepulture and monuments. (The Roman figures denote the Generations.)

"I. William de Beauchamp, the first of that name, Earl of Warwick; died 1268, buried in the Grey Friars' church, Worcester. Isabella his Countess, sister and heiress of William Mauduit, Earl of Warwick; died 12.., buried in Cokehill nunnery, Worcestershire.

" II. William de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick; died 1298, buried at the Grey Friars, Worcester. Matilda (Fitz Geffrey) his Countess; died 1301, buried in the Grey Friars' church, Worcester.

"III. Guy de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick; died 1315; buried at Bordesley Abbey, co. Worcester. Alicia (Tony) his Countess (remarried to William de la Zouche of Mortimer, buried at Tewkesbury; having married secondly Alianor, dowager Countess of Gloucester, widow of Edward the Second's favourite Hugh Despenser); she died 1325.

"IV. Thomas de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, K.G.; died 1369, buried in St. Mary's church, Warwick. (Monument in Plates I. and II.) Katharine (Mortimer) his Countess; died 1369; buried with her husband. (Effigy in Plate I.)

"IV. Sir John Beauchamp, K.G.younger brother to Earl Thomas; died 1360; buried at St. Paul's cathedral, London. (Effigy engraved in Dugdale's St. Paul's) "V. Sir Guy Guy de Beauchamp (eldest son of Earl Thomas); died 1351; buried at

Vendôme.* Philippa (Ferrars) his wife; survived him, and took an oath of perpetual chastity. (Brass plate in Necton church, Suffolk: engraved in Cotman's Suffolk Brasses.t)

"V. Thomas de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, K.G. died 1401; buried in St.

Mary's, Warwick. (Brass Figure in Plate III.) Margaret (Ferrars) his wife, died 1406; buried in St. Mary's, Warwick. (Figure in same Plate.)

"VI. RICHARD EARL OF WARWICK, K.G. Regent of France, died 1439; buried in the centre of the Beauchamp Chapel, which was erected for that purpose, and the subject of the beautiful Effigy in Plates IV. and V. Elizabeth (Berkeley) his first Countess; buried at Kingswood Abbey, Gloucestershire.‡ Isabella (Despenser) his second Countess; died 1439; buried at Tewkesbury. (Monu

mental Chapel in Plate VII.)

"VII. Henry Beauchamp, Duke of Warwick; died 1446; buried at Tewkesbury (no monument). Cecily (Neville) his Duchess; died 1450; buried at Tewkesbury (no monument).

"VIII. Anne their only daughter, died 1449, aged 6; buried at Reading abbey.§

"VII. Anne (Beauchamp) Countess of Salisbury and Warwick, sister and heiress to Duke Henry; died 14.. Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury and Warwick, K.G. her husband; slain at Barnet field

1470.

"VIII. Isabella (Neville) their daughter and heiress, Duchess of Clarence; died 1476; buried at Tewkesbury (no monument). George Plantagenet, Duke of Clarence, K.G. Earl of Warwick in right of his wife, murdered in the Tower 1477; buried at Tewkesbury (no monument).

"IX. Edward Plantagenet, Earl of Warwick; beheaded 1499 (being the last male of that royal house); buried at Bisham abbey, Berks.

"The Family of Dudley, Earls of Warwick, Leicester, &c.

"I. John Dudley, Duke of Northum. berland, and Earl of Warwick, K.G.; beheaded 1553; buried at St. Peter's chapel, Tower of London. Jane (Guilford) his Duchess; died 1555; buried at Chelsea, Middlesex; monument there, with a small brass plate representing herself and four daughters; another which represented her husband and sons being lost. (Engraved in Faulkner's Chelsea.)

"II. Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick, K.G.; died 1596; effigy in the Beauchamp Chapel (described before). Anne Whorwood, his first wife. Elizabeth Tailboys, his second wife. Anne Russell, his third wife; married 1565; died 1604; effigy at Chenies, Bucks.

"II. Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, K.G.; died 1588; effigy in the Beauchamp Chapel (described in p. 21). Amy Robsart, his first wife; died 15-, buried at Cumnor, Berkshire (no monument). Lettice Knolles (dowager Countess of Essex), his second wife; died 1634; effigy in the Beauchamp Chapel.

"III. Robert Lord Denbigh, his only legitimate son; died 1584; effigy in the Beauchamp Chapel.

"III. Sir Robert Dudley, base son of the Earl of Leicester, by Douglas dowager Lady Sheffield; created a Duke by the Emperor Ferdinand II. and styled Duke of Northumberland; died 1650, and buried at Florence. Alice Leigh his wife, created Duchess Dudley, by Charles II. in 1668; died 1669, aged 90; buried in Stoneleigh church, co. Warwick. (Effigy there, engraved in Dugdale's Warwick

It will now be seen that this publication is not only to be viewed in the light of a guide to the Beauchamp Chapel, but as a work replete with antiquarian information. It is highly creditable to the author to have given so much valuable matter in the compass of forty pages: and much is it to be wished that every structure of a similar nature may receive an equally able illustration.

History of England, vol. 1. By Thomas Keightley. 12то.

IT is of importance to the interests of literature to have compendious sum

8

maries and abridgments of its great and valuable works. The learned will use them as synoptical tables of reference; the common readers will find in them as much as they desire to know, perhaps as much as they can investigate with advantage. The Greeks and Romans, our masters of the historic style, had numerous abridgments of their larger works; and several very judicious and elegant compendiums remain, bringing with them the additional advantage of their being representatives of great original histories that have perished. In our own country, though we abound in most curious and useful histories, from Bede and the Saxon Chroniclers downwards to the present day; and though we have many original works of great intelligence and research, yet we have been sadly deficient in shorter and more succinct relations: many of the books of this kind used in schools and seminaries, bearing as much resemblance to real histories, as a daub upon a japan tea-board does to the inspired creations of a Claude or Caracci. But granting that we possessed such a work composed half a century since, and supposing also that it possessed the required merits and qualifications to recommend it, it must every day be falling back and becoming less and less useful, as the stores of historical knowledge are every day receiving fresh accessions, and as new facts must materially affect the opinions that were formed, and the conclusions that were previously drawn. Since the days of Goldsmith the accession to the stores of history from the publication of State Records, Family Papers, Memoirs, Letters, to say nothing of large and laborious histories like those of Henry, Laing, Turner, and Lingard, has been far greater than at any previous time; and without the additional knowledge which they have imparted, and the views they have suggested, any general view of our constitutional and civil history would be most imperfect. This desideratum Mr. Keightley has now supplied, or rather is in the act of supplying; and we really know no one to whom we could more willingly commit so honourable and so important a task, whether we consider the general ability with which his previous works are executed, his diligence in collecting materials, and his judgment and integrity in using them. We do not know who first said "that an historian should be of no party;" but whoever he was, we neither envy the originality of his observation, nor agree in its propriety and truth. He who is of no party has formed no opinion, and whoever has himself not formed any judgment on the great points of importance that have come before him; on the motives, the influence, and the consequences of human conduct, on the principles by which men have been guided, and the ends they have

desired to attain, would be but a blind and sorry guide through the varied field of historical information. Facts are of no value, but as they furnish the materials of opinions; what we want in a historian is, that he should represent the circumstances he engages to narrate with veracity, collect them with care and circumspection, and comment on them with temperance, and without any fraudulent and sophistical perversion. With such provisoes, let him hold what opinions he may, it matters not, for the cause of truth will advance, and the great and useful purposes of history will be fulfilled. We have read Mr. Keightley's volume, and we pronounce it to be eminently the best, we almost mean to say, the only compendious History of England that is extant. The author has availed himself of the labours of all his predecessors, and we see little that has escaped his observation. His reflections are candid, sensible, and judicious; his sentiments on controverted points expressed with that propriety and moderation which alone command respect and attention; his style is clear, plain, and suitable to the subject: and we think that a just and sound constitutional feeling pervades the work. All we have to observe on particular points are most trifling indeed.

P. 125. For Farnham in Suffolk, we believe the author ought to have written Fornham St. Genevieve, near Bury St. Edmund's. There is no place called Farnham in the county.

P. 330. "We are told of a dilemma used by the Chancellor Morton on this occasion, which some called his fork, others his crutch." Here Mr. GENT. MAG. VOL. X.

Keightley has followed Hume and others in an error arising from ignorance of an obsolete expression. Crutch is not the proper word, but crotch, which is a fork, and is used in the eastern counties universally in the present day; a crotch stick, a crotch branch of a tree, the crotch of the human body, are words of daily and hourly occurrence. We have seen this mistake in many histories copied one from another, and it is as well to put an end to it. We do not know the original book from which the phrase is taken; but there crotch and not crutch will undoubtedly be found. Those

writers who used the old word, used crotch; those who adopted the late form of expression substituted fork, but they meant one and the same thing.

P. 413. "He now openly aimed at the Queen." This was Queen Katharine Parr: but Mr. Keightley has not previously mentioned her name or marriage, and the reader is at loss to know to whom he alludes.

P. 449. "A more humane and enlightened historian." Why not give his name?

P. 465. We are glad to see Mr. Keightley summing up the character of Gardiner with more candour and far better judgment than most of his predecessors. There was much (not something) in his conduct to respect.

P. 512. We do not quite approve the idiom in the sentence, "but liberty was offered to her if she would resign her crown, or associate her son with her in the government, Murray to have the regency during the prince's minority."

P. 515. "On the moral virtues of the regent," the less said the better : he himself, in his last hours, confessed and lamented the great looseness of his life.

P. 557. "The Queen animated her soldiers," &c. There is reason to suppose that the English soldiers, mostly raw levies, would have been totally unequal to the desperate conflict that would have ensued with the veteran legions of the Prince of Parma and of Spain. And it was the strong confidence in their own military superiority that made the Spaniards approach our shores with all their prepared insignia of victory. Thus the storm that dispersed the Armada was

K

indeed providential; for who could assign a limit to the disasters which would have ensued, had these experienced and warlike troops once landed, under the command of their brave and skilful leaders.

uerye

Historie of the Arrivall of Edward IV. in England and the Finall Recoof his Kingdomes from Henry VI. A. D. M.CCCC.LXXI. Edi ted by John Bruce, Esq. F.S.A. [Being the first publication of the Camden Society.] Small 4to.

THE formation of the Camden Society, which we announced in our Magazine for April, p. 407, has been attended with such happy auspices

the list of its members has filled so rapidly, and at the same time with so many distinguished names, that its present success and its powers of usefulness need no longer be doubted; and all that can be wanting to its entire and permanent prosperity, is a judicious selection and a well-sustained succession of interesting works, to support as nearly as possible the expectations to which its early announcements have given birth.

The first publication of the Society is a short but very important historical narrative, relating to one of the most critical periods that occurred during the struggles of York and Lancaster. The editor, in some introductory observations, has discussed its merits, and pointed out its value, in a most judicious and satisfactory After noticing that the five principal historical authorities for the period under consideration are the Second Continuation of the history of Croyland, the chronicler Fabyan, an anonymous writer in Leland's Collectanea, Polydore Vergil, and Philip de Comines, whose various qualities he describes, Mr. Bruce proceeds to remark :

manner.

"The present narrative has higher claims to authority than any of those I have noticed. It was written upon the spot; immediately after the events to which it relates; by some person possessed of full means of knowledge; and it will be seen that it was adopted by Edward IV. as an accurate relation of his achievements. All the other narratives either emanated from partisans of the

adverse faction, or were written after the subsequent triumph of the House of Lancaster, when it would not have been prudent-perhaps not safe to publish any thing which tended to relieve the Yorkists from the weight of popular odium which attached to the real or supposed crimes of their leaders. We have here an authorised relation put forth by the Yorkists themselves, and giving their own account of the events upon which many of the heavy charges brought against their house' have been founded.

"The author says of himself, that he was a servant of Edward the Fourth, and that he presently saw in effect a great parte of his exploytes, and the resydewe knew by true relation of them that were present at every tyme;'-(p. 1.) and these assertions are corroborated, not

merely by the narrative itself, which possesses all the characteristics of a relation of an eye-witness, but in a singular manner also by a communication made to the Society of Antiquaries in the year 1820."

The document here alluded to is preserved in the records of the town of Ghent, and there is no doubt that it is a copy of the communication transmitted by King Edward himself to his friends on the Continent, and that communication proves to be an abridgment (though "lifeless, uninteresting, and almost useless for historical purposes") of the more important work now published.

"If we inquire further whether its contents be of sufficient importance to justify its publication, the result will be most satisfactory. The events to which it relates have few parallels in history. A fugitive and an exile, Edward IV. at the commencement of the year 1471, seemed to have lost all present chance of restoration. The imbecility of the actual monarch was amply compensated by the vigour of the Earl of Warwick, the principal Regent, a nobleman whose importance both parties in the state had by turns seen ample reason to appreciate, and whose present measures gave sufficient indication of the energy with which he was prepared to defend the throne he had raised. The inhabitants of the eastern coast, from the Thames to the borders of Scotland, were raised and arrayed to oppose any hostile landing; the Duke of Clarence, one of Edward's brothers, was bound to the restored dynasty by being associated, according to some of the authorities, with the Earl of Warwick in the regency, by a marriage with War

wick's elder daughter, and by a parliamentary entailment of the crown upon him, in exclusion of his elder brother, in case of failure of the descendants of

From the battle of Barnet, at which the King-maker closed his versatile career, the narrative continues, describing the decisive field of Tewkes

was further strengthened, and the three great families of Lancaster, York, and Neville bound together, as it were, with a triple cord, by the union of the Prince of Wales with Warwick's younger daughter, the sister of the Duchess of Clarence. Nor was there wanting that only sure foundation for the thronethe affection of the great majority of the people. The simplicity and meek piety of Henry; the generous hospitality of Warwick; the hard fortunes of the youthful Prince of Wales; the licentiousness of Edward the Fourth's life; his undignified marriage; and the unpopularity of his friend Worcester, the butcher of England;' all these circumstances, operating upon various classes of the community, produced a wide-spread feeling in favour of the cause of Henry

VI.

"The aspect of affairs upon the Continent seemed equally encouraging to the House of Lancaster. The Duke of Burgundy, the only prince to whom Edward could look for support, was little likely to enter warmly into his cause; for, although married to his sister, he was connected by relationship with Henry VI. and was involved in a war with France, which would become doubly perilous if, upon any opposition to the Lancastrian party, the influence of England were thrown into the scale against him.

"Whilst every thing seemed thus secure and prosperous, Queen Margaret and the Prince of Wales prepared to pass into England. Warwick went to the sea coast to receive them; and, if they had landed at that time, their progress to the capital would have resembled a triumph. Detained on the coast of Normandy from February until April by the unusual boisterousness of the weather, they at length, with some difficulty, secured a landing at Weymouth; and what were the tidings with which they were greeted? That, amidst the tempests by which they had been detained, Edward and a small band of followers had landed in the north amongst a people up in arms to oppose him, but whom he had deceived by false representations of the purpose of his coming; that he had obtained possession of the metropolis and of the person of the King; that Clarence-false, fleeting, perjured Clarence '-had deserted the cause of Lancaster; that a great battle had been fought; and that Warwick, the centre of all their hopes, had been defeated and killed."

berg upon London, and the death of the deposed King Henry, concluding three days after his death with the reception to King Edward's mercy of the rebels in Kent. This was on the 26th of May, and the narrative comprehends altogether a period of nearly three months.

Edward had first sailed from Flushing on the 2d of March, and after a perilous passage of twelve days, at length landed with a handful of followers at Ravenspurn, on the north bank of the Humber, "even in thesame place where sometime the Usurpowr Henry of Derby, aftar called Kynge Henry the IV. landed, after his exile, contrary and to the disobeysance of his sovereigne lorde Kynge Richard the II." A gentleman of Holderness, named Martin at Sea, or De la Mere,* was at the head of the armed forces of the district, in the name of King Henry, but he failed to make any resistance, in consequence, as is acknowledged by this Yorkist historian, of Edward and his followers deceptively concealing his purpose of recovering the throne, and asserting that he merely came to claim his hereditary dukedom of York. On similar grounds, the citizens of York and others permitted the invader to pass: the Mar

quis of Montacute, then lying in the castle of Pomfret, did the same, being even supposed to be secretly favourable to the cause of Edward, though he was the brother of the Earl of Warwick, and shortly after slain with him at Barnet: and what is said of the tenants of the Earl of Northumberland, is particularly curious as illustrative of the feudal dependance of the

times: