Dickinson was elected for the unexpired term and also for the succeeding regular term of six years; during which, up to March 3d, 1851, he continued a member of the Senate. For several years in succession he was Chairman of the Committee of Finance of that body, a leading and responsible position; and he took a leading part in all the prominent measures that occupied the attention of Congress during his term of service, which embraced some of the most eventful years of the national history. The annexation of Texas; the war with Mexico; the settlement of the Oregon difficulty with Great Britain; the Clayton-Bulwer treaty; the questions growing out of the acquisition of territory; the compromise measures of 1850, including the formation of governments for New Mexico, California and Oregon, were some of the principal. Of the local measures in which his constituents were more immediately interested, the bill to establish a mint in the City of New York was the most prominent. He gave it an active and earnest support, and succeeded in securing its adoption in the Senate; but though of so obvious public utility, and to the government a measure of self-justice, it was defeated in the House of Representatives, by adverse local interests and jealousies, as it has been in one or the other branch of Congress on so many other occasions.

The first subject of general interest that claimed his attention in Congress was the proposition to authorize the annexation of Texas; and the speech he made in its advocacy, and in explanation of his views upon the question, was his first effort of any importance in the Senate. It was received with respectful attention, and gave him at once a favorable standing in that august body. The measure by which that large area, legitimately belonging to the United States, was saved from falling under foreign protection or becoming the hot bed of foreign intrigue, in either event to our great annoyance and the prejudice of our national interests, was opposed on various

grounds, and most strenuously by those who were extreme in their views on the subject of slavery. Occasionally one of the same class, at this day, insists on fighting the battle over, charging to its adoption great influence in producing the Rebellion; but it would be difficult to explain how the act of annexation can be any more justly arraigned as influencing, or as a cause, of the Rebellion, than the original purchase of Louisiana or the acquisition of Florida, and their incorporation into the Union; and certain it is, that the number has always been exceedingly small of those who, at any time or under any circumstances, would consent that the act of annexation should. be abrogated. Mr. Dickinson opposed the Oregon treaty, by which, as he contended, Great Britain gained several degrees of territory rightfully belonging to the United States, and a pretext for claiming more. He also opposed that interminable diplomatic muddle, the Clayton-Bulwer treaty.

On the 14th of December, 1847, he introduced into the Senate his resolutions on the subjects of the acquisition of territory and the formation of territorial governments. They appear at length in the speech he subsequently made in support of the principles they embodied. In their primary aspect they were designed to meet the question of acquisition, which was about to arise as one of the results of the war with Mexico, and was beginning to excite discussion; in their secondary, to offer a solution of the controversy which the introduction of the Wilmot proviso, at the preceding session, had occasioned. Their introduction was the first public annunciation of the doctrine of "popular sovereignty," as it has been called; and though the progress of events soon raised the same questions practically, and therefore no direct action was taken upon them, the doctrines put forth were finally approved by Congress, and made the basis of the Compromise measures of 1850; became the Democratic creed on the subject of slavery in the Territories, and were triumphantly

sustained by the people in the succeeding national elections.

In 1848, Mr. Dickinson was a member of the Democratic national convention at Baltimore, which nominated General Cass for the presidency, and was followed by the "free soil" defection in New York. He supported General Cass with zeal and energy in the canvass, as he did the National Democratic creed and organization throughout that ill-starred controversy.

In the session of 1850, the excitement and irritation growing out of the question of slavery in the Territories having increased to an alarming extent, in and out of Congress, Mr. Clay introduced into the Senate a proposition for "an amicable arrangement of all questions in controversy between the free and the slave States, growing out of the subject of slavery;" and a Select Committee of Thirteen was organized, to which the whole matter was referred. Mr. Dickinson was a member of this committee. Besides Mr. Clay, the chairman, Mr. Webster, General Cass, Mr. W. R. King, Mr. Clayton, and others of the oldest, ablest, and most conspicuous of the Senators were his associates. He united heartily and earnestly with these eminent men in giving their best efforts to the accomplishment of the great object. The contest was opened in January, 1850, and continued during nearly eight months of gloom and excitement, and was happily brought to a close by the passage of bills, admitting California to the Union as a State; defining the boundaries of Texas; organizing the Territories of New Mexico and Utah by acts silent on the subject of slavery; prohibiting the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and amending the fugitive slave law. A large majority of the people, North and South, were satisfied with these measures, and hailed their adoption as the dawning of a brighter day. But in spite of the patriotic efforts of those who labored for the realization of this just expectation, it was des

tined to disappointment. Party politics and office-seeking schemes, aided by the clamors of those of extreme views on either side of the slavery question, prevented a permanent "amicable arrangement." After a brief interval of quiet, the floodgates of strife were again forced open.

During the session of 1850, Mr. Dickinson was tendered the honor of a public dinner by the Democrats of the counties of New York, Kings, Queens, Richmond, and Westchester. The letter of invitation was signed by the leading Democrats of the five counties, and held the following language:

"The occasion is sought for the purpose of giving full utterance to the sentiments of respect and confidence, with which your distinguished political services to our common country have inspired us.

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"In the trying crisis through which the country, and we may add the cause of the world's freedom and of republicanism, is now passing, the state of New York is most fortunate in being represented in the Senate of the Union by one whose patriotism soars above the level of time-serving purposes, and whose eminent talents and moral worth command respect both in the State he represents and in the councils of the nation."

He visited New York in compliance with the invitation, and was received by committees from the various Democratic organizations with congratulatory addresses, approving of his course. The Common Council, numbering a majority of his political opponents, unanimously passed resolutions tendering him the "freedom of the city"; making him its guest during his stay, and thanking him for his public services in behalf of the city and the State. The resolutions were presented to him by the Mayor and a special committee from each branch of the Common Council. The complimentary dinner was given at Tammany Hall, and participated in by many prominent members of the Democratic party from all parts of the State. Several of the other States were also represented.

It was at the close of the session of 1850, that Mr. Webster addressed to him the letter of commendation which has been heretofore published, and so generally and justly admired. It

claims a place here as a most graceful and delicate exhibition of the best traits of a great and noble character. The unpleasant occurrences alluded to by Mr. Webster were some sharp passages in debate, which took place at an early period in their senatorial acquaintance. They both soon found reason to reconsider and regret their hasty expressions; and as men of truly generous impulses, they let no false pride stand in the way of their better-informed judgment. Mr. Dickinson's reply is given elsewhere. It was first published, upon the application of Edward Everett, in a collection of Mr. Webster's correspondence prepared for the press by his son, the late Colonel Fletcher Webster.

"My Dear Sir:

"WASHINGTON, September 27, '50.

"Our companionship in the Senate is dissolved. After this long and most important session, you are about to return to your home; and I shall try to find leisure to visit mine. I hope we may meet each other again, two months hence, for the discharge of our duties in our respective stations in the government. But life is uncertain: and I have not felt willing to take leave of you, without placing in your hands a note containing a few words which I wish to say to you.

"In the earlier part of our acquaintance, my dear sir, occurrences took place, which I remember with constantly increasing regret and pain; because the more I have known of you, the greater have been my esteem for your character and my respect for your talents. But it is your noble, able, manly and patriotic conduct, in support of the great measures of this session, which has entirely won my heart and secured my highest regard. I hope you may live long to serve your country; but I do not think you are ever likely to see a crisis, in which you may be able to do so much, either for your own distinction or for the public good. You have stood, where others have fallen; you have advanced with firm and manly step, where others have wavered, faltered, and fallen back; and for one, I desire to thank you and to commend your conduct out of the fulness of an honest heart.

"This letter needs no reply; it is, I am aware, of very little value; but I have thought you might be willing to receive it, perhaps to leave it where it would be seen by those who shall come after you.

"I pray you, when you reach your own threshold, to remember me most kindly to your wife and daughter; and I remain, my dear sir, with the truest esteem,

"Yr. friend and ob. serv't,

"DANL. WEBSTER.

"HON. DANL. S. DICKINSON,

"U. S. Senate."