hoisted; nor will there ever be from all this vast territory a single slave State formed.

This is all there is of the famous Nebraska question, over which so much patriotic sensibility has been expended. Let, then, every man who has ever been a true Democrat, or who ever intended to be one, see that all the clamor upon this vexed slavery question is but a repetition of the proceedings of 1848, which have given so many cause of regret. Let him adhere to the true National Democratic standard, and obey the Constitution in its letter, spirit, and intent, leaving slavery in the States to those who have it in charge, and upon whom its responsibility has been cast; and as to the Territories, observe strict non-intervention, because it is right as well as in accordance with the whole structure of our government and theory of our institutions; because it will do justice to all and visit wrong upon none; because it will inculcate peace and harmony and friendship between the members of this glorious Confederacy, and because it accords best with the symmetrical framework of the Constitution.

I invoke all not committed to one-idea abolitionism, and all who do not intend to espouse the cause of a sectional antislavery party, to join in maintaining the principles of the National Democracy, upon which the Constitution and the stability, peace, and safety of our political fabric rest. And I know well in what latitude and longitude it is that I make this appeal. The Democracy of the County of Delaware, in times past, upon all the great questions of popular liberty and Constitutional right, have ever stood firm as her fast-rooted hills, and won a character of honorable regard throughout the Republic for intelligent patriotism and true devotion to sound principles and the best interests of the country. Their sons -those who occupy their honored places in the great drama of the present, upon whom the high trusts of American citizenship have descended-cannot be less regardful of the eternal principles of truth, right, justice, and equality, nor less highly value the nation's welfare, the great bond of union and amity between the States, the continued harmony and good-fellowship of the different sections, and the approving judgment of mankind.

SPEECH

ON THE MAINE LAW QUESTION.

DELIVERED AT A DEMOCRATIC RATIFICATION MEETING, HELD AT THE BROADWAY TABERNACLE, NEW YORK, November 1, 1854.

ANXIOUS as I was, Mr. President and fellow-citizens, to sec my New York friends, I did not expect to enjoy that pleasure so soon, for I was given to understand, by my invitation, that the meeting would take place on Friday evening next. However, I came to the city on business connected with the courts, and that I missed, too. I came just too late for it; but I find that I came in good time for this meeting; and so here I am, to address a few words to you on the subject of our political affairs. This, I understand, is a ratification meeting-a meeting to ratify the State and city nominations. There are others present who understand the affairs of the city much better than myself, and who can with far greater propriety address you upon them. It has been customary on such occasions to discuss great political principles and topics; but I have so recently laid my views before the public, upon general questions, and they have been so extensively published, that it is hardly necessary I should enter upon that branch of public discussion now. is well known that the National Democracy uphold the great national principles of freedom as opposed to all sectarianism and sectionalism. They have continued to occupy that distinctive position; and now, in national, State and city politics, they stand decidedly and emphatically by those principles. They have nominated their candidates as the representatives of those principles, and they purpose to try the issue at the polls distinctly upon them.

It

It is stated, by some paper curious in such matters, that about fourteen organizations are now before the public, claim

ing consideration in the coming election. It is unnecessary that I should go through with the whole list; I will, however, mention the principal political organizations. There are the Democrats, Hards, or National Democrats; the Whig party, including all the factions and all the isms, "too numerous to mention," as the auctioneer's advertisement says, and the Softs, or Administration party. The questions which they fain would press upon us are not the great measures and principles of government which we have been accustomed to discuss; but issues which have been facetiously denominated by a distinguished member of the present national administration as "the battle of the kegs." It is said emphatically, and with considerable truth, that the issues in the coming election are to be: "Bronson and good liquor," "Seymour and poor liquor," and "Clark and no liquor at all." These propositions having entered so largely into the political contests in our State, they seem to require discussion.

I had almost forgotten to add that there is another very important issue raised-as I have seen by the public prints-or rather a side-bar issue, as the lawyers would say; but it is nevertheless an issue of great importance—that is, as to where one of the gubernatorial candidates was born. I recollect that the celebrated Yankee poet, William Ray, in giving an account of his captivity and the abuses that he suffered in a Turkish prison, wrote what he called an exordium. He therein said what may well be repeated of this candidate :

"That I was born you well must know,
For any fool could tell you so;

But more, perhaps, you wish to hear,
The day, the month, the hour, the year.
All this I very well remember;
'Twas on the ninth day of December;
And just, if you'll believe my story,
As chaste and blushing fair Aurora
Burst the dark arms of negro night,

A Ray from darkness peeped to light."

Now whether any of this will apply to the individual alluded to, I leave those who are curious in such affairs, and to those most interested, to wit, the Whig papers, to ascertain. There

is no doubt that the candidate was born somewhere, and when they have ascertained exactly where-the time, the place and the circumstances-I hope they will be satisfied, and not trouble the public any more with that issue.

The Democratic party has gained its high position before the country for having rejected and repudiated all "isms." It has not been a temperance party exclusively, because it has regarded temperance as but one of the social virtues that are to be inculcated and practised. It has not been a liquor party, because it has considered the liquor interest as being but a single one, among many, to be recognized and cared for. Its province and policy are to protect and preserve all interests and lop off all abuses, and to found its position on no one-ideativeness in any respect or particular whatever. It has rejected abolitionism, sectarianism, and every ism that has figured in the catalogue of factions. Hence its strength; hence the favor it has received from the people, from the foundation of our governments, State and national; and which it will continue to receive so long as it leaves all these detestable isms to be taken care of by those to whom they legitimately belong-by those who are not satisfied with the great national principles on which government should be administered, and on which our State and national affairs have been conducted-those who wish to seek out some new inventions, and to climb up to success in some other way.

I shall not have time to discuss the merits of all the numerous candidates in nomination in New York, and therefore I will take up the leaders-say the candidates for Governor. And first, Greene C. Bronson, a name of which every citizen of New York, every citizen of the nation, may well be proud. Standing on an eminence of judicial integrity, of learning, of high capacity, from our earliest acquaintance with him down to the date of his last public official act, when he had certain correspondence with the Secretary of the Treasury-who does not look upon his whole career with pride and with satisfaction? And if he should be elected, what citizen of the State is there who will not feel proud of the chief magistrate of the State? He stands forth as the representative of Democratic principles -of National Democratic principles-opposed to sectionalism, abolitionism and temperance, in its ultra and forced significa

tion; but in favor of all those great cardinal principles on which the Democratic party has reposed, and on which it will continue to repose and to rely for its strength and vindication. The position which he occupies before the public on the liquor issue of the day-if I may be allowed the expression-is that which the Democratic party has ever maintained on this and similar questions. It is one not for destroying, but for protecting; for lopping off abuses and preserving interests. It is not for fanatical temperance principles; it is not for unbridled and unlicensed traffic in liquor; but it is for correcting and adjusting all abuses as they may appear. The position of Greene C. Bronson is such as the common-sense of the country will approve, and as the Democratic feeling will applaud and support. It stands in broad contrast with that of Myron H. Clark, the author of―or, at any rate, the man who presented in our State Legislature that abortive and ridiculous measure, the Maine liquor law.

The Whig party is like a play-actor breaking down, and who, having failed to draw full houses in his old characters, announces that he will appear in some half dozen different characters in appropriate disguise. It is going to play as Whig, as Abolitionist, as Maine Lawite, as Free Democrat, as Freesoiler, as Anti-Nebraskaite, and I do not know in how many other different characters-very numerous, however—all in the person of Myron Holly Clark, its candidate for Governor. He has been nominated so many times that he must be fairly worn smooth with nominations, commencing at the fashionable watering place of the State-Saratoga-and bringing up at the State Prison city-Auburn. Every faction that has been heard of in this age prolific of factions, has honored this man with a nomination. And why all these nominations? They have simply congregated together all these interests for the purpose of fastening the Whig policy on this State. Well, whether they will succeed remains to be seen.

It is not to be denied, and it is creditable that it is so, that there is a feeling, a strong moral feeling-there always has been, and there always will be-in behalf of the cause of temperauce. That moral feeling was making rapid advances in the cause of reformation a few years since; but those who cannot let well enough alone-who are restless, uneasy, fanatical-and