ing over the "Sorrows of Werter," and whining with all the pathos of the sentimental lady's sonnet to the dying frog, in the hope of cheating unsuspecting people into prostituting their privileges as electors to their purposes. But, my friends, this detestable conspiracy against the Democratic party and the supremacy for its principles is destined to fail, beyond a doubt. One subject of great and grave objection to the Democratic party I must notice before I close; it is the acquisition of territory. It is common ground to both the opposing parties ;-to our opponents of the whole blood and of the half blood,-of the lineal and of the collateral descent. They make grave complaints against us because the war commenced against the United States by Mexico ended in an arrangement which extended materially our territorial boundaries. It is perhaps not wonderful that men who cannot understand the principles and structure of our system of government, or who have not the honesty to give it practical operation, should esteem its priceless benefits so lightly as to consider its extension a great evil. If Federalism had been strong enough, the old thirteen colonies would have been walled in, and constituted the United States of to-day, if indeed they had survived the system of tight lacing and Chinese shoes they sought to apply. The Democrats, according to their recorded opinions, ruined the country by the purchase of Louisiana; they ruined it again by the acquisition of Florida, and again by the annexation of Texas; and now it has been ruined once more by the wicked Democrats, by accepting indemnity in territory from belligerent and beaten Mexico. The howl of the Buffalo-platform men comes in towards the last of these successive ruins. They helped to enact the former part of the series, even professing to support Col. Polk in 1844, who run and was elected on the Texas annexation issue, and only just now mysteriously found out how wrong they had been acting. The country has been very patient and very prosperous under this great amount of ruin, and the Democratic party can patiently bear the charge of its infliction. It is true. Whatever of ruin has come of these acquisitions, it has all been the work of the Democratic party. Look out upon the widespread map of the nation. See what it was and what it is. Mark well the difference. This is the ruin the Democracy has wrought. Ask the great Northwest if it would be content to restore to a foreign power the lower half of its magnificent river highway, if it would surrender to foreign keeping the key to the Gulf, its rivers, harbors, and teeming shores. Ask this commercial emporium, yes, ask the whole American people, what price would tempt them to give up their coast, which looks out towards the setting sun upon the great Pacific,-the broad Columbia, the Golden Gate, with their interior routes of communication spanning the continent, through which we shall ere long command the commerce of Asia, the prize for which the nations of Europe have so long struggled; and I venture the assertion that not a single man, woman, or child, outside of the lunatic asylums, would consent, on any terms, to take one step backwards. The American people are not plunderers nor even propagandists. They will deal justly, uprightly and in good faith with their neighbors and all other nations; in the language of one of the late revered leaders of the Democracy, "asking nothing that is not right, and submitting to nothing wrong;" and in the fulfilment of their mission, under Providence, they will not hesitate to make such acquisitions of territory as may be necessary for their security and strength and which can be justly obtained. This has been their rule of action in the past, and if occasion and opportunity for further acquisitions should arise, will be in the future. Those who distress themselves over the dangers of expanded territory, will, I predict, be speedily comforted by results. Our system is better adapted than all others to extended empire. While the great leading purposes, such as foreign relations and intercourse, commerce and the national defences are committed to the general government, the local affairs of the people remain in the immediate care of their respective State governments; so that the laws of the several States may be ever so diverse, according to the tastes, wants, and condition of their people, and no necessity or right exist for the people of one State to interfere with the laws of another. As citizens of New York, the only legal interest we have in the people of Louisiana is that they fulfil their duties and discharge their obligations as citizens of the United States, under the common bond of Union, the constitution. No consolidated government, of whatever form, could so adapt the laws which regulate the immediate and every-day affairs of the people, to varying local circumstances. I fear no evil to flow from permitting the people of far-off Oregon to share, equally with us, in the government of the United States. The addition of pillars only serves to strengthen the edifice, which, with New York on the Atlantic, and California on the Pacific, will be far more powerful and less subject to danger from domestic dissensions, than if the jurisdiction of this government had been confined to the limits of the original thirteen States. The Democracy of the Union are again called by every consideration dear to their party and their principles to put forth their best efforts to preserve the integrity of the one and give continued ascendency to the other, and thus promote the peace, harmony, and welfare of the country. If this is done, in the old spirit of the Jacksonian Democracy, our success in the contest is assured; and that it will be, the indications here present, and the movement of the Democratic masses throughout the land, give cheering assurance. The signs of the times are bright with hopeful auguries. The adroit plans of our opponents to divide, weaken, and overcome the party of the Constitution will signally fail. The Democratic column will move forward with united front and purpose to accustomed victory. What northern Democrat, worthy of the name, will be deceived by the cry of " Van Buren and free soil," into giving his support to a candidate who stands not the slightest chance of receiving a single electoral vote, and thus contributing to the success of the Federal nominee? The Democracy of the South will spurn the attempt to cheat them into the abandonment of their principles and their party by presenting for their suffrages a slaveholder and appealing to their admiration of successful military leadership. They will now as heretofore stand firmly for the cause of republicanism, and give their undivided support to the defender of American rights and interests, the veteran leader of the Democratic party. To the Democracy of New York is committed the double duty of vindicating themselves and their party and rebuking treason and base ingratitude to both. To this end we must labor as men should who are surrounded by detestable and wicked treachery within, and confronted without by a lifelong and oft-beaten foe, now hopeful in the plots arranged for our destruction. With efforts worthy of the occasion and the inspiration of the cause, success is within our reach. Such efforts I invoke in the name of the Democracy of the Union; and with the assurance that they will be put forth I have an abiding faith that the State will be saved to be still the brightest star in the galaxy of a Democratic Union. SPEECH ON ESTABLISHING A GOVERNMENT FOR CALIFORNIA AND NEW Delivered in the Senate of the UNITED STATES, February 28, 1849. [The question before the Senate was upon the amendment of Mr. Walker, of Wisconsin, to the Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation Bill, to extend the laws of the United States over the territories acquired from Mexico.] I Do not forget, Mr. President, nor do I intend the country shall forget, that more than six months have elapsed since the Senate, after mature deliberation and full debate, passed a bill to establish efficient civil governments in the Territories of New Mexico and California, and sent it to the House of Rep resentatives for concurrence, where it still reposes unacted upon; though, by the joint rules of the two houses, it has vitality at this as it had at the last session, and needs only the concurrence of that branch and the signature of the President to become a law. Under these circumstances, had I been left to consult my own wishes, I would have taken no further steps until the immediate representatives of the people should, in their wisdom, so far sympathize with the necessitous condi tions of the Territories in question, and the demands of the people throughout the Union, as to act upon this bill which we sent them, and either pass it as it is, or with amendments, or reject it altogether. The responsibility of leaving these Territories without government has heretofore rested with the popular branch, and there I would have left it; for I am confident nothing will pass there, unless it contains some element of discord which cannot and ought not to receive the sanction of the Senate. But other Senators, whose hopes are more san guine than my own, in view of the peculiar and alarming circumstances, have thought proper to make further efforts, and to that end have brought forward various propositions for the consideration of the Senate; some proposing a temporary, and some a more permanent, government for the Territories, and among them that of the Senator from Wisconsin,* now under consideration. It is now at the close of the session, and the last hope of providing a government rests in this amendment; for, if it is not adopted, nothing else on this subject will be. It well came as an offering of peace from that young and cherished State which has just been admitted to the Union; and her Senator who offers it, for his patriotic effort, is entitled not only to the thanks of his constituents, but to the grateful acknowledgments of the whole people of the Union. These Territories, with the inhabitants residing therein, I need not say, were recently transferred by a foreign government to the United States, under a treaty of peace. We have taken them from their former government, if government it can be called, to our protecting arms; and since it is our practice to fashion governments for our Territories, we are admonished by every consideration that can influence human action, to extend to them that security of life, liberty, and property, which our Constitution guarantees to the humblest American citizen. The amendment under consideration attains this end; and, although I would have preferred it in another place and in another form, it being this or nothing, I have cheerfully yielded all objection either to form or substance, and shall vote hereafter, as I have before, with a view to enact it into a law. And I crave the indulgence of the Senate for a few moments while I state the reasons which influence me-an indulgence I would not have sought but for the extraordinary, and, as I think, inconsistent grounds taken in opposition to it by my honorable colleague.t The leading objection urged in this regard is, that it confers too much power upon the executive; and, although my colleague professes to repose high confidence in the distinguished individual who is soon to be invested with the responsibility of the executive functions, he declares he will commit * MR. WALKER. + MR. DIX. |