complaint of violation of territory, the topic of no further discussion between the two governments."

And now justice is satisfied;-insulted honor has been vindicated; the violation of American soil, the destruction of American property, the blood of an American citizen bave been atoned for-and the British lion, humbled and subdued, is released from thraldom, and may depart in peace! But what further? We find a return compliment-a counter apology for the apology of Lord Ashburton, made on behalf of our government by the Secretary of State; for it seems that even the apology obtained, was also upon the principle of "equivalents." It is as follows:

"It was a subject of regret that the release of McLeod was so long delayed. A State court, and that not of the highest jurisdiction, decided that, on summary application, embarrassed as it would appear by technical difficulties, he could not be released by that court. His discharge shortly afterwards by a jury, to whom he preferred to submit his case, rendered unnecessary the further prosecution of the legal question. It is for the Congress of the United States, whose attention has been called to the subject, to say what further provision ought to be made to expedite proceedings in such cases."

Can any one fail to discover in all this an utter want of proper national spirit, and a truckling to the Power at whose hands we had demanded redress for signal wrongs? And, Mr. President, how was it viewed in Europe and in the British Parliament? In the speech of Lord Brougham, before mentioned, he says:

"It is said, however, that my noble friend [Lord Ashburton] made an apology on the subject of the Caroline. Did he? Here is the language of this so-called apology. He is speaking of those who went across the St. Lawrence and cut out the Caroline, and who committed the act of hostility and of invasion of the American territory; and if my noble friend made an apology, we must expect to hear him use the language of apology. You will expect to hear him saying —' We are sorry for it; we will never do so any more; we admit that we are wrong and that you are right; and we beg that you will accept this declaration as apology for what we have done.' This is the sort of

language which, when men talk of an apology, you may expect me to

read as the language of my noble friend. But what does he really say? 'I might safely put it to any candid man acquainted with the state of the circumstances, whether the military commander could, on the 24th of December, reasonably expect that he could be relieved by any American authority.'

"It arose out of the case of McLeod, which was not only declared to be an unlucky one by my noble friend, but was also admitted by Mr. Webster to be so; for he says in the very next paper to that from which I have already quoted, that it is a subject of regret that the release of McLeod should have been so long delayed.' I do not attempt to triumph over the United States because of this admission. I do not assume to look down on the American Secretary on account of it. I do not wish to seize hold of this sentence as an apology, and therefore a humiliation of America. But after all that I have heard said about my noble friend having made an apology, I really must say that the tone of the passage which I have just read does look to me much more like an apology than anything which is to be found in any part of my noble friend's despatches. It is couched in the appointed phraseology of apology, the terms used by men when they feel they have done wrong, and wish to be pardoned by the injured party.

* * *

"Ten days before my noble friend turned his back upon the country where his negotiation had been so satisfactorily concluded, a law received the assent of the President, altering the Constitution; giving the power that was so jealously looked upon, and rendering it impossible, henceforth and forever, that such a case as McLeod's could occur any more. I apprehend, therefore, that in that part of the negotiation which referred to the Caroline, the success of the negotiation has been triumphant and complete."

And now, sir, having closed a review of this whole subject, let me inquire whether, in the history of the world a parallel can be found. Terms were accepted, indignities brooked, apol ogies tendered, and sacrifices made, which, unless I err in every impulse of my nature, in every faculty and conclusion of my judgment, should never have been submitted to nor entertained for a moment. The administration in power at the time of these occurrences, refused to negotiate concerning the destruction of the Caroline, until reparation should be tendered by the British government; but its successor caused its representative to sit down at the council board of the nation with the ambassador of those whose unwashed hands were yet dripping with the blood of an American citizen;-an indignity to which no other nation ever submitted;-one which even degraded and super

annuated Spain or fitful and powerless Mexico would have resisted to the death, and spurned with the most unmitigated scorn. And yet, sir, this great, free and powerful confederacy has drunk deeply of this cup of humiliation. McNab, who planned the invasion and murder, has been knighted by the Queen,

"While Durfee's ghost walks unrevenged amongst us.”

I have now done, after tendering to the Senate my acknowledgments for its attention, and an apoplogy for having detained it so long, in a matter so much personal in its bearing, and adding my assurance that it shall depend upon others rather than myself whether I shall ever ask its indulgence upon a like occasion.

SPEECH

ON THE ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY, AND THE FORMATION OF FOR THE TERRITORIES.-THE DOCTRINE OF

GOVERNMENTS

DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, JANUARY 12, 1848.

[The following resolutions, introduced by Mr. Dickinson, on the 14th of December, 1847, came up in order for consideration:

66 Resolved, That true policy requires the government of the United States to strengthen its political and commercial relations upon this continent, by the annexation of such contiguous territory as may conduce to that end, and can be justly obtained; and that neither in such acquisition nor in the territorial organization thereof can any conditions be constitutionally imposed, or institutions be provided for or established, inconsistent with the right of the people thereof to form a free sovereign State, with the powers and privileges of the original members of the Confederacy.

"Resolved, That, in organizing a territorial government for territories belonging to the United States, the principle of self-government upon which our federative system rests will be best promoted, the true spirit and meaning of the Constitution be observed, and the Confederacy strengthened, by leaving all questions concerning the domestic policy therein to the legislatures chosen by the people thereof."

The resolutions having been read by the Secretary, Mr. Dickinson, addressing the Senate, said :]

MR. PRESIDENT-We are admonished by the exigencies of the times and the prevailing sentiment of the American people, to strengthen our political and commercial relations upon this continent by the annexation of such contiguous territory as can be justly obtained, as well for the positive benefits the acquisition may confer, as to shut out forever, as far as practicable, the pernicious influences and impertinent intermeddlings of European monarchy. And while the circumstances under which this policy may properly be enforced, are too varied and contingent to be enumerated or suggested, the state of our relations,

both foreign and domestic, demand that it be fully declared before the world: We have been compelled by misguided Mexico. to resort to the ultima ratio of nations for an adjustment of grievances. With her capital, her ports, her fortifications, and principal towns in our possession, she spurns all proposals for accommodation, and we have no alternative left, consistent with national spirit or self-respect, but to retain of the possessions allotted us by the tribunal of her own selection, ample indemnity for the wrongs she has heaped upon our government and people. But should she in some sane moment consent to negotiate, she can furnish indemnity only in territory, and this government can accept of no terms but such as give full compensation; so that whether we have peace or war, treaty or no treaty, the question of territorial acquisition cannot be avoided. Had we remained at peace with Mexico, the same policy of acquisition would sooner or later have been presented; and should a treaty of peace be negotiated, and a full indemnity be paid in money, of which there is no prospect, the question of extending our possessions even then could not long be postponed. Although clearly demanded by national interests, and almost universally favored by the American people, this policy has been embarrassed by an element of irritation calculated to arrest, if not defeat it altogether. Some who profess to favor it, do so only upon condition that domestic slavery shall be prohibited by Congress in any acquired territory; others, with marked determination, oppose any increase with such restrictions; and both these classes propose to cooperate with the opponents of acquisition, unless their peculiar views respectively are adopted.

Believing that a policy so eminently national should not thus be defeated or put at hazard; that the legislation of Congress can have little influence over the domestic regulation of territory; that its temporary government is a matter of secondary importance compared with the policy of acquisition, and that its domestic regulation may be safely intrusted to those most deeply interested in the institutions they may establish,—I have introduced these resolutions. They were presented that the Senate might form and pronounce its judgment before the country upon the two great questions embraced therein, which engage so large a share of the public consideration. They do not, as is supposed by some, bring here, with its profitless discussions and