ministration of affairs, but his own wild passions, and exercis ing a most cruel tyranny over his subjects.

The

This brought Epiphanes into great difficulties. Egyptians, (B. c. 183,) unable to endure the grievances to which they were daily exposed, formed associations, and entered into a conspiracy, with a design to depose him, which Diodorus says, they were upon the point of executing. To extricate himself, however, Epiphanes appointed Polycrates prime minister. This man possessed great bravery, superior abilities, and consummate experience, in affairs both of peace and war. He had commanded in the capacity of general under his father in the battle of Raphia, on which occasion he greatly contributed to the victory. Afterwards, he was made governor of Cyprus, and happening to come to Alexandria, when the conspiracy of Scopas was brought to light, the expedients he adopted conduced much to the preservation of the state. By his aid Ptolemy, indeed, overcame the rebels. He obliged their leaders, who were the chief lords of the country, to capitulate and submit, upon certain conditions. But having got them into his power, he violated his promise and, after exercising various cruelties upon them, he caused them to be put to death. This treacherous conduct involved him in fresh difficulties, from which he was again delivered by the counsel of Polycrates.

Epiphanes maintained, during the whole of his reign, a strict friendship with the Romans. Livy tells us that he offered them a thousand pounds' weight of gold, and twenty thousand of silver, to carry on the war against Antiochus, king of Syria, whose daughter he had married; and that when Antiochus was driven out of Europe by the Roman arms, he sent an embassy to Rome to congratulate the senate on the deliverance of Greece, and the flight of Antiochus; and to offer them, in his name, and in that of his queen Cleopatra, ships, money, or provisions, to aid them in their strife with the Syrian monarch. This is very probable; for Ptolemy hated Antiochus on account of disturbances which he had fomented in his kindom, and Cleopatra, in all likelihood, was shocked at her father's treachery and cruelty; for he is said to have married her to Ptolemy with no other view but to get rid of him by her means, and to possess himself of Egypt. The virtuous young queen, inviolably attached to her duty, joined with Ptolemy against Antiochus, and preferred, says Jerome, conjugal affection to the ties of blood.

Ptolemy cultivated with great care the friendship of the

Achæan republic. In the end of his reign, he sent ambassadors to them, inviting the confederacy to join with him in an offensive and defensive league, and promising them six thousand shields, two hundred talents of brass, and ten ships of fifty oars each, equipped for war. His offer was accepted, and ambassadors were appointed, namely, Lycortas, with his son Polybius, and Aratus, to renew the alliance, and bring the ten ships into Peloponnesus.

This treaty, however, was not carried into effect. Ptolemy, having reduced his subjects at home, was preparing to make war upon Seleucus, king of Syria. But as his finances were exhausted, one of his chief officers asked him by what means he would carry on his designs. He replied that his friends were his treasures. This answer being circulated among his officers and courtiers, they concluded that he designed to pursue the war with their fortunes and estates. To prevent this evil, therefore, which had more weight with them than the allegiance they owed their king, or any misfortune which could befall their country, they caused him to be poisoned. This tragical act occurred B. C. 180, after Ptolemy had lived twenty-nine, and had reigned twenty-four years. He was succeeded in his kingdom by his son,

PTOLEMY PHILOMETER,

under the guardianship of his mother, who for the space of eight years governed the kingdom of Egypt with great prudence and moderation. At the end of that time, Cleopatra dying, the regency fell to Lanæus, a nobleman of great distinction in that country, and to Eulæus, an eunuch, who was charged with the care of the young king's education. They had no sooner entered upon the administration, than they demanded Cœlo-Syria and Palestine of Antiochus Epiphanes, who at that time reigned in Syria; a demand that eventually occasioned a war between the two crowns. Cleopatra, who was mother to one of these kings, and sister to the other, had prevented the strife as long as she lived; but the new regents did not show much regard for Antiochus, nor scruple to demand of him what they believed belonged to their sovereign by right. It is certain, indeed, that the Egyptian monarchs had always possessed the sovereignty of these provinces, from the time of Ptolemy Soter, till Antiochus the Great wrested them from Ptolemy Epiphanes, and left them to Seleucus, his son. His

right, therefore, was no other than that of conquest, and as such alone they had descended to Antiochus Epiphanes.

To enforce their pretensions, the Egyptians declared that, in the last division of the empire between the successors of Alexander, these provinces had been assigned to Ptolemy Soter; that himself, and his successors to the crown of Egypt, had enjoyed them from that time to the battle of Paneas, when Antiochus the Great dispossessed Egypt of them; that this prince had stipulated, when he gave his daughter to the king of Egypt, to restore to him those provinces as her dowry; and that this was the principal article of the marriage

contract.

Antiochus denied these facts, and pretended that, on the contrary, in the general division which had been made of Alexander's empire, all Syria, including Colo-Syria and Palestine, had been assigned to Seleucus Nicator, and that, consequently, they belonged to the prince in possession of the kingdom of Syria. With regard to the marriage contract, by virtue of which the Egyptians demanded back those provinces, he asserted that it was chimerical. In fine, after having given their reasons on both sides, without coming to any conclusion, they resolved to decide their pretensions by force of arms.

At this time, B. c. 171, Ptolemy Philometer, having attained his fifteenth year, was declared of age. Great preparations were made in Alexandria for the solemnity of his coronation, according to the Egyptian custom. Antiochus sent an ambassador, on that occasion to congratulate the young king in his name. This was, ostensibly, to do honour to his nephew; but his real motive was to discover, if possible, the designs of that court with respect to the provinces of Calo-Syria and Palestine. His ambassador returned with the intelligence that preparations were making for war; whereupon he visited the frontiers of the country, and put himself in a posture of defence against the Egyptians. Nor did he stop here. Finding himself in a condition to begin war, he resolved not to wait for it in his own dominions, but to carry his arms into Egypt. He imagined that, as Ptolemy was but sixteen years of age, and was governed by unskilful ministers, he should be able to bring him to what terms he pleased. He was per

suaded, also, that the Romans, under whose protection Egypt still remained, had such deep warlike engagements, that it would be impossible for them to give the Egyptians the least succour; and that the war they were carrying on against

Perseus, king of Macedon, would afford them no leisure. He thought in short, that the present juncture was very favourable for him to decide his differences with the Egyptians.

In the mean time, he sent ambassadors to Rome, to represent the right he had to the disputed provinces, and the necessity of his engaging in a war to support that right. Immediately after, he put himself at the head of his army, and marched towards the frontiers of Egypt. The two contending armies met near Mount Cassius and Pelusium, and a battle was fought, in which Antiochus was victorious. He now put the frontier in a condition to serve as a barrier, and to check the utmost efforts the Egyptians might make to recover the provinces; after which enterprise, he retired to Tyre.

The next year, B. c. 170, Antiochus again invaded Egypt, both by sea and land. By this time, Ptolemy had raised a very considerable army, but it was to no purpose. Antiochus gained a second battle on the frontiers, took the city of Pelusium, and marched into the very heart of Egypt.

In this defeat of the Egyptians, it was in the power of Antiochus to have caused a universal desolation. But it was the ruin of his nephew alone that he sought. With this end in view, instead of carrying on the work of slaughter, he obliged his soldiers to sheathe the sword, which affected clemency gained him the hearts of the Egyptians. When he advanced into the country, the inhabitants came in crowds to pay homage to him, so that he soon took Memphis and all Egypt, Alexandria excepted.

Philometer was either taken or else surrendered himself to Antiochus, who set him at liberty. After this they lived apparently in great friendship. For some time, indeed, Antiochus affected to be anxious for the interests of his nephew," and to regulate his affairs as his guardian. But when he had gained a firm footing in the country, he seized whatever he thought fit. He plundered all places, and enriched himself as well as his soldiers with the spoils of the Egyptians.

All this time, says Justin, Philometer made a miserable figure. In the field he avoided danger, and did not even show himself to those who fought for him. And after the battle, he submitted himself to Antiochus in the most abject manner, without even making one effort to recover his kingdom. This, however, was not so much owing to want of courage and capacity, (for he afterwards gave proofs of both,) as the effects of his effeminate education under Eulæus.

That

perfidious minister had used his utmost endeavours to plunge Philometer into luxury and effeminacy, in order to make him incapable of public business, that he might retain all power in his own hands, even when he, the king, had attained the right of governing for himself.

The Alexandrians, B. c. 169, seeing Philometer in the hands of Antiochus, considered him as lost, and therefore they declared the kingdom void, and seated his younger brother upon the throne. This prince, according to Porphyry, had the name of Ptolemy Euergetes 1. given him, which was soon changed to that of Cacoergetes; the former signifying "beneficent," and the latter "evil doer." Afterwards, he was named Physcon, which was a term of derision, alluding to his gluttony, which had made him remarkably corpulent, under which name he is usually mentioned by ancient historians. Cineas and Cumanus were appointed the chief ministers of Physcon, and they were directed to use their utmost endeavours to restore the affairs of the kingdom to their former flourishing condition.

Antiochus took note of these proceedings, and returned a third time into Egypt, under the specious pretence of restoring the dethroned monarch, but in reality, to make himself absolute master of the kingdom. He defeated the Alexandrians in a sea-fight near Pelusium, marched his forces into Egypt, and advanced directly towards Alexandria, in order to besiege it. The young king consulted his ministers, who advised him to assemble a grand council to deliberate on the measures proper to be taken in the present exigency. After many debates, the council called came to this resolutionThat, as their affairs were reduced to so low an ebb, it would be necessary for them to seek a reconciliation with Antiochus; and that the ambassadors of the several states of Greece, who -were in Alexandria, should be desired to employ their mediation, to which they readily consented. They repaired with two of Ptolemy's ambassadors to the camp of Antiochus with the overtures of peace. The king gave them a favourable reception, regaled them in a magnificent manner, and appointed the next day for them to make their proposals. The Achæans spoke first, and afterwards the rest in their turns. All were unanimous in their accusation of Eulæus; ascribing the calamities of the war to his mal-administration, and to the minority of Philometer. At the same time, they apologized in a very artful manner for the new king, and employed all the powers of their rhetoric to move Antiochus in his favour,