4. The Heredity of Acquired Characters. By Professor A. MACALISTER, M.D., F.R.S. 5. Notes on Skin, Hair, and Pigment. By Professor ARTHUR THOMSON, M.A. 6. On the Anthropological Significance of Ticklishness. The ticklishness which is so marked in children, and which is associated with laughter, appears to be different from the ticklishness of the surface of the skin. Its universal distribution indicates that it was at one time of importance, although at present it appears to fill no place in the animal economy. It is found that in young apes, puppies, and other like animals, the most ticklish regions correspond to the most vulnerable spots in a fight. In the mock fights of immaturity, skill in defending these spots is attained. In children, and in anthropoid apes which fight with their canine teeth, the most ticklish regions are practically identical. Young orangs and chimpanzees grin, and behave otherwise much like children when tickled. It seems probable, therefore, that in the ticklishness of children we have a vestige of a state of racial development when the canine teeth were habitually used by our ancestors in war for mates or food. 7. On the Bow as a Musical Instrument. By H. Balfour, M.A. The bow has been for a long while commonly accepted as the prototype of a large series of stringed musical instruments. Witness the Greek legend which attributed the first appreciation of the musical potentialities of a tense string to Apollo, who observed them in the twang of the bowstring. In India legend refers the invention of stringed instruments to Siva, who used a bow for musical purposes. In Japan the origin of the six-stringed koto is, in the legend of Amaterasu, traced to an extemporised instrument composed of six bows lashed together. So, too, modern writers have for the most part regarded the bow as a parent form of many of the instruments even of the highest types. Stages in the probable phylogenetic development of stringed instruments may be studied in the survivals of primitive forms still existing in various countries. Simplest of all is the monochord of the Damaras (Herero), extemporised from the ordinary shooting bow of the country by the addition of a string bracing the bowstring to the bow, and thus tightening it and dividing it into two parts, whose notes are elicited by tapping upon the string with a small stick. To increase the resonance the bow is held to the mouth of the performer. Stage 2 is represented in many parts of Africa by musical bows, still simple bows, very slightly modified for musical purposes only. These are either held in the teeth or to the mouth, or rested upon resonant bodies (gourds, &c.) to increase resonance. Stage 3 is that in which a resonator is attached to the bow, usually a gourd, as in the Zulu 'gubo.' Musical bows in these three stages occur from the Niger down the west of Africa to the Cape, and along the more easterly regions as far north as the Dohr or Bongo tribes. This distribution is nearly continuous. In Asia we meet at the present day with musical bows in forms corresponding with stage 2, as in the Pinaka of North India, a lightly made bow strung with fine string. Also the musical bow of the Bhuiyars (aboriginal) of Mirzapur, though this is an aberrant form. It seems likely that a musical bow almost identical with the bow and gourd resonator of South Africa exists in India, this observation being partly based upon a small figure of a man with such a bow in the Pitt-Rivers collection, and partly upon a study of forms which seem to have passed through such a stage. In the Malay regions we find musical bows used with or without resonators in the busoi' of Borneo, and in a simple form in 6 Timor. Eastwards a variety occurs in the 'pangolo' of New Britain, a bow with two strings, one of which is braced to the bow with a string, as in South African examples. In the Solomon Islands miniature bows are played upon with the fingers; at least three varieties are known there, one of which has two strings ('kalove' of Florida Island). In the Marquesas group a musical bow exists; and in the Sandwich Islands an instrument is found which, though it can hardly be called a bow,' is evidently closely allied to the two-stringed kalove' of Florida Island. In the New World a pretty wide range is seen for the musical bow, but as it is here evidently of African origin, and owes its transmission to the immigration of African labour, the instrument in this region calls for no special remark. 6 In Africa one may still trace stages in the development of the primitive forms of harps from the musical bow, while the more elaborate harps of the ancient Egyptians and Greeks show unmistakable signs of this original derivation, as does the modern harp of Burma, and that of the Össetes of the Caucasus, as also several harp-like forms of medieval times in Western Europe. These all agree in the absence of a supporting front pillar, and the many obvious inconveniences of these forms justify one in saying that these instruments would never have come into existence except as a gradual development from primitive bow-like forms, the awkwardness of whose structure persisted through a somewhat blind adherence to traditional form. In India there is evidence that the 'vina' owes its origin to the bow, there still surviving various intermediate types which can reasonably be regarded as survivals of various stages in the phylogeny of the group. 8. The Relations between Body and Mind, as expressed in Early Languages, Customs, and Myths. By Rev. G. HARTWELL JONES, M.A. The conditions in which early races lived precluded the possibility of arriving at anything like anatomy or psychology. Yet some crude notions appear in ancient literatures, customs, and myths, and these become more intelligible when viewed in the light of similar superstitions which have prevailed at all times among unprogressive tribes of savages. Naturally, the study of the physical frame and mental constitution received but little attention before the rise of science in the East and Asia Minor. That the Indo-European Urvolk must have had some knowledge of (i.) the body is proved by their common inheritance of descriptive words for parts of the human frame, Even where the roots of vocables relating to the body are not akin, there is a resemblance in the conceptions prevalent in widely distant parts of Europe, and, indeed, of the globe. Among their common possessions are (1) words, some describing the creation of the body, others the shape, others the substance. Again, (2) the similarity of the conceptions is noteworthy. When analysed, these exhibit a growth of meaning, transition of thought, and gradual gain in distinctness of idea. At first, however, there is constant confusion. Thus the bodily sense is confused with its organ, and a connection was supposed to exist between defects of the body and mental weakness. The habit also of employing one member to represent the whole is frequently found in early stages of language, and particularly in poetry. And if the ideas concerning the body and its parts were indistinct, as was to be expected in the earlier stages of human development, still more vague was the knowledge of (ii.) the mind and its phenomena. Especially common among primitive and backward races is the notion that life, mind, and soul are air, vapour, or shade; for example, in Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, and Teutonic languages. Their general idea, too, of the mental faculties was hazy. Even as late as Homer's age the body was regarded as the source of all actions, but by the poet's time knowledge had progressed far enough to discriminate the intellectual and emotional faculties, the power of reflection, memory, and imagination. In this connection several interesting points arise: (a) in the growth of language and thought the physical and concrete precede the psychical and abstract; for instance, in Greek, Latin, Persian, Sanskrit, and Chinese. (B) There was until a very late period still some confusion between the functions of the different parts of the body, or between the functions of the blood in relation to those of body and mind. Equally loose are the notions respecting (iii.) bodily and mental disease. At first the diseased were put to death, and when the healing art originated, diseases were attributed to divine or demoniacal agency. Such was the case even with the Assyrians, Babylonians, and Greeks. This being the case, supernatural remedies were sought, and although by Homer's day human methods were employed, yet traces of the Divine influence are distinctly discernible. This is seen in the propitiation of evil spirits, such as Nosos, Febris, Apollo, Artemis; in the superstitious reverence with which epilepsy and madness were regarded, together with many other superstitions of which glimpses appear as late as Plato. Especially instructive is the worship of Esculapius, the patron of medicine, whose history, stripped of the legendary lore that has gathered around him, reveals an historical personage. His traditional descent from the Sun-God, his initiation by the Thessalian Centaur, the combination of incantations and prayers, with human aids, like embrocations, salves, potions, and the knife, the peculiar custom of Karakoμãodai, and the important part played by the serpent and the cock in his worship, exhibit a strange mixture of the natural and supernatural, and well illustrate the early evolution of the art of medicine. An examination of the growth of knowledge of the body and mind, and their treatment, therefore affords further proof that (1) the primitive condition of the pioneers of civilisation was no higher than that of savages; (2) the parallels presented by words and ideas in countries widely separated from one another cannot be satisfactorily explained by coincidence; (3) the civilisation of Western Europe, viewed as a whole, began in contact with the East. 9. On the Alleged Presence of Negritoes in Borneo. The circumstantial evidence collected by the late Mr. Earl that a people of a negroid character existed in Borneo, and the discovery by M. Hamy of a negrito skull from that island, has led to the established belief that negritoes exist there. The skull in question undoubtedly came from Borneo, and it is undoubtedly a negrito skull; but there is no proof that it originated in Borneo. We know that Andaman Islanders (negritoes) have been kidnapped by Malay and Ilanum pirates and carried to India and other parts, so that for the present, in spite of the strong circumstantial evidence, we must withhold our judgment as to whether negritoes exist in Borneo. 10. On the Possibility of a Common Language between Man and other Animals. By Miss AGNES G. Weld. The authoress pointed out that the Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans believed that at one time man and animals could understand each other's languages, whilst at the present day an Irish peasant will tell you that the cock, on Easter morning, crows in good Erse the tidings that the Lord is risen. In these old and popular legends most stress is laid on the acquisition of human speech by animals, whereas modern scientific effort is tending in the reverse direction. She believes that, with the exception of the parrot and one or two other birds, the creatures below us in the scale of existence are unable to pronounce the full gamut of sounds we can utter, some making use of vowels alone, others merely of consonants, so that it is far easier for us to speak in their language than for them to talk in ours. Miss Weld proceeded to exemplify this by telling of a daily conversation she used to hold with a wild nightingale, and then narrated the remarkable effect produced by her upon a savage retriever that had set upon a collie. Miss Weld described how, when she had growled out certain deep notes of dog language, an awestruck expression came into the retriever's eyes; and how, instantly letting go his hold of the collie, he answered the deep notes by a whispered growl, backing as he did so into a corner, where he remained, in the most abject terror, not venturing to stir till Miss Weld was out of sight. 11. On Mythical Pygmy Races. By Professor BERTRAM WINDLE, D.Sc., M.D. In this communication it was shown that the idea of mythical pygmy peoples, fairies, or elves, was diffused throughout the world; that whilst general features of resemblance were present, there were many points of distinction, and notably with regard to the nature of their supposed dwelling-places, an account of which was given. An attempt was made to show that no single explanation is adequate to account for these legendary races, but that a number of elements enter into the composition of the myth. MONDAY, AUGUST 13. The following Reports and Papers were read :-- 1. Pygmies in Europe. By Professor J. KOLLMANN, M.D. Near Schaffhausen, in Switzerland, a prehistoric settlement was described by the author which had been used successively in Palæolithic, Neolithic, and Metallic times. Each period was distinctly separated from the other by a differently coloured stratum. The Palæolithic stratum contained a large number of the broken bones of reindeer, also those of horse, ice-fox, bear, and other animals in less number. No human bones were found in it, only worked flakes. It was covered over by a layer of breccia, 80 cm. thick, which contained no traces of man. Over this came the Neolithic stratum, of an average thickness of 40 cm., which contained potsherds and large quantities of ashes, giving it a grey tinge. The animal remains found in it were those of stag, roe, black bear, ox, &c.; the reindeer had entirely disappeared. The uppermost stratum is a layer of humus 40 to 50 cm. thick. During its formation man had ceased to settle there for any length of time under the shelter of the overhanging rocks. A few implements were found in it, but they were of an inferior kind, so that this layer of the so-called Metallic period calls for no further comment. Not so with the Neolithic stratum, in which were more than twenty human interments, both of adults and children. Eleven of the latter varied in age from the new-born child up to that of seven years, and some of them were buried with particular care. The adult interments consisted of the skeletal remains of (a) full-grown European types, and (b) small-sized people, which must be considered as pygmies of the Neolithic period of Europe. These two races were found interred side by side under precisely similar conditions; from which it may be concluded that they lived peacefully together, notwithstanding their great racial difference. The remains of four of these pygmies, and probably of a fifth, were found. Their stature, estimated according to Manouvrier's method, from the femur, is as follows:-No. 2, 1,416 mm.; No. 12, 1,355 mm., and No. 14, 1,500 mm., giving an average of 1,424 mm. This may be compared with the average stature of the Veddas of Ceylon, which is 1,576 mm., according to Sarasin, and with the skeleton of an Andaman Islander measured by the author, in which the femur measured 424 mm., the stature of the skeleton being 1,500 mm., while the femora of the Swiss Neolithic pygmies are: No. 2, 369 mm.; No. 12, 355 mm., and No. 14, 393 mm. There were seven interments of the taller race, of which the femur of No. 5 measured 454 mm., giving a stature of 1,662 mm., which Rollet found to be the average height of adult Frenchmen. The remains of the other individuals of this race could not be satisfactorily measured. The author stated, on the authority of Professor Virchow, that the bones of the small race are not those of a pathologically degenerated people, but of normal structure. In connection with this find it is important to note that Sergi and Mantia have discovered some living pygmies in Sicily and Sardinia, mostly under 1,506 mm. in height in Sicily. In appearance they look like miniature Europeans. In the author's opinion these small types must be regarded, not as diminutive examples of normal races, but as a distinct species of mankind which occurs in several types dispersed over the globe; and he is led to believe that they have been the precursors of the larger types of man. 2. On some Stone Implements of Australian Type from Tasmania. By E. B. TYLOR, D.C.L., F.R.S. The ordinary stone implements used by the Tasmanians were remarkable for their rudeness. They come generally under the definition of substantial flakes, trimmed and edged by chipping on one side only, not ground even at the edge, and grasped in the hand without any kind of handle. The Paleolithic level of these implements, notwithstanding their often recent date, had been pointed out by the writer. In illustration of this comparison, Tasmanian implements were now exhibited side by side with flint implements from the cavern of Le Moustier, in Dordogne. But an important point of exception as to this comparison, mentioned in the paper referred to, demands reconsideration in view of the new evidence now brought forward. In the investigation as to native stone implements conducted about twenty years ago by the Royal Society of Tasmania, some exceptional statements were made as to stone axes or tomahawks' being ground to an edge, and fixed in handles, and these were explained as due to the Australian natives who have passed into Tasmania since the European settlement. What was meant by these statements now appears more clearly from three ground implements of distinctly Australian character, well authenticated as brought from Tasmania, and now exhibited by the courtesy of the Municipality of Brighton, to whose museum they belong. The largest has a label showing that it was obtained through Dr. Joseph Milligan, probably from G. A. Robinson, the first protector of the aborigines after the native war; and that it was grasped in the hand for notching trees in climbing. The other two specimens are merely marked 'Tasmanian,' with the initials 'G. A. R. The coexistence of two such different types as the chipped and ground forms in Tasmania requires, however, further explanation. This may probably be found in the immigration of Australians either after or before the English colonisation, but it would be desirable that anthropologists in Tasmania should make further inquiry into the question on the spot, so as fully to clear up the interesting position of the Tasmanian Stone Age. 3. On Tasmanian Stone Implements. By H. LING ROTH. 4. The Troglodytes of the Bruniquel, a Grotto of Ironworks on the Borders of Aveyron. By Dr. EMILE CARTAILHAC. The collection of which M. Emile Cartailhac showed photographs has been formed by the Viscomte de Lastic. It is the complement of the beautiful series acquired some time ago by the British Museum. The engravings upon bone and the sculptures representing animals are very remarkable, and throw a bright light on the art of the Reindeer Age. Amongst the most interesting objects are the straight beams of reindeer horn, sculptured at one extremity in the form of a horse as seen from the front, head lowered against the breast, feet joined. There are several pieces of this kind, almost similar. Lartet found similar specimens, but broken and unrecognisable, in the layers of the 'On the Tasmanians as Representatives of Palæolithic Man' in Journ. Anthrop, Inst., vol. xxiii. 1893, p. 141. 1 |