resting on the exaltation of the relatively modern institution of the State, the other deriving its principal force from the oldest and most enduring element of human society-the family. This aspect of the question will more and more come into prominence as the conflict proceeds. It is not the 'man of Nature,' the individual released from all restraints, who forms the unit in our modern 'individualistic' societies, but the individual with family ties and sentiments, and profoundly influenced by other than purely self-regarding motives. Collectivist socialism seeks to substitute for these natural agencies the comparatively artificial authority of the sovereign State. It aims at transforming private into public law, and it would make the life-work of the citizen one round of public administrative duties. The origin of this special system is obviously due to a particular social condition; it is the natural product of the factory and the workmen's club-i.e., of a mode of living in which the family has unhappily sunk to a minor position, and in which the main uniting bond is that of 'comradeship.' How impossible it would be to bring all human societies under a form of regulation that presupposes the close contact of large masses of men, and how hopeless it is to expect its effective working while the domestic organisation and family affections retain their power, is a lesson that the study of social science in all its branches will most effectually teach. That the time is ripe for this fuller development is, I think, clear from the interest with which the most speculative works on social development are received. A daring and suggestive discussion of the problem of social evolution, even if its basis is highly questionable, is sure of applause and a wide circle of readers. The most pressing duty on the part of those who desire to promote true knowledge is to secure that there shall be the proper preliminary training on the part of the writers and competent criticism of their productions. Though I have dwelt mainly on the necessity for rearrangement and further progress, I should be sorry to leave the impression that I undervalue the great services of the English economists from Adam Smith to Senior and J. S. Mill. In its later developments that school was open to criticism. Some of its members committed serious faults, but they also possessed very redeeming merits. They may, perhaps let us concede it-have been narrow-minded; they may have been hard-hearted, but in studying their chosen subject they were eminently levelheaded.' They saw the working of material forces in their true balance, and were not unduly influenced by passing events. This intellectual sanity and just appreciation of the comparative weight to be assigned to the different elements operating on national life is well exemplified in an anecdote respecting Adam Smith himself, which we have on unexceptionable authority. 'Towards the close of the American War, when general despondency seemed to paralyse the nation, Dr. Smith, confident in the resources of the country, would not allow himself to despair of the commonwealth. On the news of Burgoyne's surrender at Saratoga Mr. Sinclair hurried to his friend with intelligence of the disaster, insisting that if affairs went on no better the nation must be ruined. "Be assured, my young friend," replied the imperturbable philosopher, "there is a great deal of ruin in a nation."' 1" This attitude of calm, based on wide historical study and accurate estimate or the realities of things, is a valuable example which the older economists have left to their successors. At the present day, when we are always hearing of' submerged tenths,' of depression in every branch of industry, of destructive monetary revolutions, and of land abandoned by its cultivators, while we seek to trace the reality and extent of these evils and to discover their causes, can we give a better reply to the eager enthusiast or the hasty innovator who insists that, unless his favourite nostrum is adopted, 'the nation must be ruined,' than to answer, with the calmness that knowledge of the forces that are working for social welfare produces, ' Be assured there is a great deal of ruin in a nation ?" 1 Sinclair's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 37. The following Papers were read :— 1. On the Mathematical Theory of International Trade. 2. Mechanics of Bimetallism. By Professor IRVING FISHER. The bimetallic régime is figured as a system of hydrostatics by substituting for Jevons' curves reservoirs of water. Water represents commodity, and the water level, marginal utility. The system embraces three reservoirs, one for money and two for gold and silver in the arts respectively. The three being connected, the water seeks a common level. The method affords a theoretical criterion for distinguishing when bimetallism is and is not possible. The restoration of the old French ratio, even if possible, would cause depreciation, though not to the whole extent of the present difference. As compared with monometallism, bimetallism reduces fluctuations of value in the ratio of the combined breadths of two reservoirs to three. 3. On Factors of Production. By H. HIGGS, LL.B. 4. On Stock Exchange Taxation. By J. MANDELLO, Ph.D. Theory of taxes in the circulation of wealth. Taxes on capital as contrasted with taxes on land, &c. The French, Italian, German, and Austrian taxes on Stock Exchange transactions. What constitutes a good system of Stock Exchange taxation. FRIDAY, AUGUST 10. The following Papers were read : 1. The Church Army and the Unemployed. By the Rev. W. H. HUNT. The problem of the Unemployed' will always be a social as well as an industrial one, and the difficulties of it are probably greater because of unwise legislation and promiscuous relief. The complexity of it necessitates our rule for individual treatment and selection. In this country many methods have already been tried, and we recognise that no ultimate good can result to the nation from any work based upon a false economic principle. After working upon this rule for five years we are now able to say the social side of the problem, at least, is assuredly nearer solution than before. We aim at giving men the chance to earn and eat their own bread under healthy conditions with Christian environment. A Church, Army, Labour, Home: to these four things we owe everything we possess.' The manager and his wife act as 'father' and mother,' and the workers are called 'brothers. We make every man feel his responsibility to earn his own living, and conform his habits to his economic surroundings. Idlers and drunkards are dismissed. We avoid pauperisation. Our small provincial Labour Homes being increased in number deter men from coming up to London. Sufficient trade can easily be secured, and the home is not calculated to disturb existing trade as a larger establishment might do. In them local influence is combined with a strong central government. The rules are cast into a simple form of agreement, and, being signed by each person, become a moral stimulus. Trade and fair rates are always charged, and paid. Every person is expected to earn six shillings per week for board and lodging, one shilling being then allowed for pocket money. Thrift is much encouraged. Full pay is allowed for two months, a trifle less the third month, and less again the fourth. The effect of this rule disposes of 'shiftless loafers,' and has been truly helpful to others. Help is allowed, if needed, sixteen weeks, after which twelve months must elapse before fresh application can be made. Each man is urged to do his best to obtain permanent work. We aim at decentralisation in finding places for men either at home or abroad. We believe in cooperation which economises labour and intensifies results, and the sound, unique, and valuable co-operation between the Poor Law and the Church Army has abundantly justified the Local Government Board in endorsing many annual subscriptions of ratepayers' money to our funds. The Church Army has tried, proved, and is still demonstrating an experiment with more than 2,000 people per annum, which, whilst it ensures a genuinely helpful chance to make a good start in life for at least 50 per cent. of that number, is at the same time a powerful object-lesson to the Church and the nation. 2. On the Unemployed. By BOLTON SMART. 3. On Prices, Wages, and the Standard of Value. 4. On the Report of the Labour Commission. By L. L. PRICE, M.A. The Labour Commission has been engaged during the last three years in ar inquiry of a very elaborate nature, and the question may naturally be asked, What has been the outcome of so large an expenditure of time and money? The answer depends on the expectations that have been formed. It is difficult to define the proper functions of a commission. Its temporary effect is undoubtedly the postponement of legislation, but this result is probably fraught more often with benefit than injury. A popular cry is frequently caught up and passed on with undiscriminating enthusiasm, and a commission brings to light the dangers and difficulties of the schemes which are thus propagated. A small commission of experts is the ideal form; but a large commission, representative of various interests, though it may lead to an inconclusive report, does secure a searching scrutiny of plausible proposals by hostile critics. The agitation for an eight hours' day has been thus treated by the Labour Commission, with the result of bringing into prominence the doubt attaching to the real meaning of the proposal and the difficulties attending its application to practice; and, in view of this uncertainty and difficulty, the Commission could hardly arrive at any other conclusion than that actually declared by the majority. They are content to present a summary of opposing views, and to recommend minor reforms. The minority, looking forward to the collectivist organisation of society, regard the legislative introduction of an eight hours' day with approval as a step towards that organisation, and treat from a similar standpoint the extension of the sphere of public employment. On various minor reforms majority and minority are substantially agreed. The main subject, however, of inquiry was the prevention of industrial disputes, and here the Commission found that so much had been already accomplished by voluntary experimental effort that little, if any, room was left for new suggestion. A mass of valuable material has, however, been brought together, and certain conclusions may be drawn from it. The first is that a number of experiments have been made in the preservation of industrial peace. The second is that, in spite of a popular impression to the contrary, and of some failures, those experiments have been attended by a considerable measure of success. The new unionism is in this connection less ominous than the 'demarcation disputes' which have lately risen into prominence. The third conclusion is that the conditions of success are now ascertained, and consist in organisation. The commissioners express this opinion in definite language, although they enter a caution against hasty inference from it, and the secretary's report of the position in other countries shows that an absence of conciliatory methods accompanies immaturity of organisation. The fourth and last conclusion is that little room is left for the intervention of the State, save in the role of pacific counsellor. This conclusion is endorsed by the minority, in spite of their collectivist tendencies, and various difficulties attach to the substitution of the compulsory legal authority of the State for the moral influence of voluntary organisation. The report of the Commission may seem petty and impotent when contrasted with the vastness of the inquiry, but probably it will recommend itself to sober common-sense. 5. On Women's Industries. By Miss MAITLAND. 6. On Girl Life in an Industrial Centre.1 By Miss KENWard. Subject of woman's work too large and complicated to allow of sweeping conclusions from an inquiry limited, as the present one, to a particular índustrial centre. The centre chosen is the district of the non-textile industries at Birmingham. Principal trades: Brass, steel, iron, tubes, guns, ammunition, jewellery, screws, nails, steel pens, bedsteads, chandeliers. The number of registered factories is three thousand, and, roughly, six men employed to every woman. Result: Girls' labour market overstocked and competition keen. The trade depression of late years makes this increasingly felt. This condition is aggravated by growing aversion of girls to domestic service. Reasons for this aversion are the unbusinesslike relations of the latter; the cry for liberty, which is greater than the cry for wages. This spirit of independence of thought and control is fostered by the spread of education. The remedy for equalising the factory and service markets is to place the two on an equal footing as regards contract and inspection. Conditions of service are more desirable than conditions of the factory, because of the evils produced by competition such as (a) starvation wages, which oblige girls to eke out a livelihood dishonestly; (b) frauds and deceits practised by women to obtain and keep work. Suggestions: Possibility of labour agencies. Inspection in warehouses unattached to factories, and in shops and laundries. Position of centre as regards (I) Wages. For unskilled labour 78., 8s., 9s. a week, as a rule; 10s. a week high. Girls of fifteen and sixteen earn 3s. 6d. to 4s. 6d. a week. Centre probably stands midway as compared with Lancashire, Wales, Ireland. (II) Health.—Lowered vitality rather than actual disease; phthisis and anæmia common; epileptic and fainting seizures also prevalent. Specially unhealthy work; lacquering and enamelling of iron plates. Precautions against lead poisoning and their disuse. (III) The Moral Tone of Factory Life.-Effect of married women in factories bad. Illustrations, betting, drinking, and immorality are due in large measure to their influence. Effect of 'clubs,'' rum teas,' 'free-and-easies' on a girl's life. Position of girl in home as semi-lodger, monotony, and long hours of factory tend in the same direction, producing a desire for unrestrained licence. Improvements possible partly through legislation, combination, and partly through the raising of relations between employer and employed from mere cash ones. 1 Published in extenso in Women Workers, September 1894. Birmingham. Conclusion: That in the mass of unskilled labour in such centres the tendency is towards a low standard of morality, and the conditions of industrial life for this class of girls are in greater need of reform than the present conditions of domestic service. SATURDAY, AUGUST 11. The following Papers were read : 1. Statistics of Comparative General and Old-age Pauperism in England and Wales, 1831 to 1891. By C. S. LOCH. 1. Material available. Plan of investigation. The method of comparison adopted. 2. The issues to be settled : (1) Is pauperism on the increase (a) in regard to children, (b) in regard to the able-bodied, (c) in regard to the not able-bodied, including the aged and infirm? (2) Is there less continuous pauperism, but more casual and intermittent pauperism? (3) How far are local habit and race instinct a barrier against pauperism? (4) How far is pauperism influenced by administration? (5) Does the rule hold good generally that reduction of outdoor relief reduces pauperism, and that this reduction is accompanied by a slight, but by no means corresponding, increase in indoor relief? (6) Is there reason to believe that the forces now at work, if allowed fair play, would reduce pauperism and State maintenance to a minimum? (7) Can we ascertain what standard of pauperism may fairly be expected to prevail in any circumstances in the community? 3. The pauperism of the union as shown by an analysis of cases in some metropolitan and other unions: its character; how far it is transitory, how far permanent; how it is relieved. 4. The pauperism of England and Wales, past and present: in regard to children, the able-bodied, and the not able-bodied. 5. The pauperism of the union counties considered historically:— (1) The pauperism of the counties in the year 1831, as shown by financial statistics. (2) The pauperism of the counties, recorded and comparative, as shown in the returns for the Lady Day quarter 1840 to 1846. (3) The general pauperism of the counties, recorded and comparative, by January 1 returns: 1861, 1871, 1881, 1891 (sketch maps of comparative pauperism for 1862-71, 1872–81, and 1882-91 were exhibited). In these and other statistics in this pauper vagrants and lunatics are omitted, unless their inclusion is mentioned. (4) The not able-bodied and old-age pauperism of the counties. 6. The pauperism of the unions of forty-one large towns, including London, shown on the comparative method, 1861 to 1891. The relation of London and the large towns to the country generally in regard to pauperism. 7. A comparison of the year 1881, based on Mr. Hollond's return, with the year 1892, based on Mr. Ritchie's return, showing the decrease in the volume of pauperism in the year. 8. The pauperism due to old age: its true measure and amount. 9. The present restraints on pauperism. 10. The finances of Poor Law administration. On what heads and in what |