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landed; took the usual oaths to preserve the liberties of church and state, and was crowned sumptuously. Unhappily his presence inflamed the crusading spirit, which was already fierce in the nation. Although debarred from civil rights, the Jews of England had hitherto multiplied and grown rich: aliens and infidels as they were, they had high and low in their power. Strongbow was probably one out of many nobles who had been bound to them; their claim over St. Edmund's monastery was so strong, that they once lived with their wives and families within its walls. All the more were men generally anxious to revenge themselves on a race, which they hated and feared. Some Jews who pressed in to see the king's coronation, were driven back with blows. A riot ensued, and the Jews' quarter was plundered. A day elapsed before the king's troops could restore order, and then only three rioters were punished, for damage done to Christians. Thus encouraged, or allowed, the frensy of persecution spread over the land. Generally it was the country people who were setting out as pilgrims for Palestine, who began the crusade at home, while the cities interposed to preserve the king's peace. But the rumour that the unbelievers were accustomed to crucify a Christian boy at Easter, had hardened men's hearts against them. The cause of

murder and rapine prevailed in Dunstaple, Stamford, and Lincoln. At York, the viscount allowed five hundred Jews to take refuge in the castle. Fearing, in spite of this, to be given up, they closed the gates against the king's officers. They were now besieged by the townsmen, under orders of the viscount, and the defence of men untrained to arms and without artillery, lay only in the strength of the walls. They offered to ransom their lives, but the crowd thirsted for blood. Then a rabbi rose up and addressed his countrymen. "Men of Israel, hear my words: it is better for us to die for our law, than to fall into the hands of those who hate it; and our law pre

1 Newburgh, vol. i., p. 161. For the case of Richard of Anesty, see Palgrave's Eng. Com., pp. xxiv.-xxvii; Chron. Joc. de Brak., p. 8.

2 "Ubicunque reperti sunt Judai manibus peregrinantium percussi sunt, nisi qui municipalium eruebantur auxilio."-Diceto; Twysden, 651.



scribes this." Then every man slew his wife and children, and hurled the corpses over the battlements. The survivors shut themselves up with their treasures in the royal chamber, and set fire to it. The crowd indemnified themselves by sacking the Jews' quarter, and burning the schedules of their debts, which were kept for safety in the cathedral. But this was an offence against the exchequer, to which, by the theory of the law, all Jewish property belonged. Royal officers were therefore sent down to York, and the town called to account for its disorders; a fine was levied, but the murderers escaped punishment.1

The chivalrous part of Richard's reign is in itself of little importance for English history. But its indirect results changed the face of the country. Among them, the purchase of charters by the municipalities may be classed in the first order. Richard once said that he would sell London itself, if he could find a purchaser. The sheriffs and their officers were removed throughout the kingdom, that their places might be sold. If it be true that the great justiciary, Glanville, was imprisoned, and forced to ransom himself for three thousand pounds, the act may be regarded as one of extortion rather than of justice; for Glanville's offences under Henry were condoned by his continued employment under Richard. This indignity did not prevent the aged legist from joining the crusade, and he was among its victims. The chancellorship of the kingdom was sold for three thousand marks to William Longchamp, bishop of Ely, a Frenchman risen from the ranks, whom Richard trusted. The regency of the kingdom during

1 Benedict and Joss, two of the Jews at York, had built houses like royal palaces in the city, and lived there like "tyrants over the Christians.”—Newburgh, vol. ii., p. 19.

2 Ric. Div., p. 7. William of Newbury, however, states that he gave up his office, disgusted by Richard's government.-Vol. ii., p. 9. He had been employed to see justice done for the massacre of the Jews in London.Brompton; Twysden, p. 1160. It is possible that although the justiciary was removable by a new king, his authority did not necessarily cease with the life of the sovereign from whom it was derived.—Palgrave's Rot. Cur., vol. i., P. xl.



Richard's absence was vested in a council, over which the chancellor presided. Provision having been thus made for his absence, Richard started for Palestine. It was noteworthy that his troops were conveyed in English bottoms, while Philip Augustus was compelled to hire ships from the Genoese. Even on the voyage to Messina, Richard's arrogant and overbearing disposition showed itself. His first dispute with Philip may be excused. Common decency forbade him to marry the princess Alix, whom his father had seduced. But the storm of Messina, because a peasant had refused to surrender him a falcon, was in violation of all international law. The conquest of Cyprus was justified by the conduct of its tyrant, Isaac Comnenus, who threw the shipwrecked crusaders into prison. Richard won and gave away his kingdom with the case and gaiety of a knight-errant. A victory over a Saracen galliot, charged with engines of war for the relief of Acre, heralded the king of England's advent to the crusading army. The siege of Acre, like that of Troy, was a trial of strength between East and West; and the West conquered. Three months after Richard's arrival, the town, which had held out two years, capitulated. The prestige of the victory was great, but it broke up the Christian army. Philip had now a good excuse for returning to his dominions. His departure left Richard in supreme command, and Richard, adored by the common soldiers for his valour, was detested by all the princes for his violence. He had torn down the flag of Austria from the gate of Acre, where duke Leopold had planted it. Presently the

1 Richard was even able to lend ships to the French king.-Hoveden; Savile, p. 392.

2 Hoveden; Savile, p. 394. The overbearing manners of the English, who swaggered through the streets insulting the citizens, gave great offence in Sicily.-Newburgh, vol. ii., p. 31, note by Hamilton. A further complication arose from a quarrel with the French, who tried to shut the English out of the town.-Wendover, vol. iii., p. 31.


Diplomatically, Richard was justified, as the duke was not a sovereign prince. Richard of Devizes says (p. 52) that he left the camp at once, full of rancour against Richard. William of Newbury represents him as remaining and receiving liberal pay from the king of England.—Vol. ii., p. 70. This latter seems to be the true story.



death of Conrad of Montferrat by an assassin was ascribed to the English king, who had opposed his pretensions to the throne of Jerusalem. The charge was false, but Richard's character gave a colour to it. Gradually his army melted away. away. His personal prowess was great, and he was willing to risk death at any moment to save a comrade. Long after he had left Palestine, the Syrian women frightened their children with the name of king Richard. But one right hand could not win Jerusalem, and Richard had not the higher qualities of a general. He could order a battle, but not arrange a campaign. When at last he cut his way through overwhelming forces towards Jerusalem, he halted suddenly within a few leagues of the Holy City, and dared not commence its siege. A few weeks wasted in chivalrous skirmishes and secret negotiations, made up the campaign. Then the army withdrew sullenly to the sea-shores, unblessed by a sight of the city they had come to conquer. Presently Richard and Saladin concluded a truce for three years and eight months. It was agreed that the Christians should keep possession of the littoral, and that their pilgrims should be allowed to visit Jerusalem. Richard himself did not profit by this permission; perhaps his heart was too full at the thought of how much had been ventured, and how little won. But the bishop of Salisbury went in his place, and was received with distinction by Saladin.

Richard's anxiety to return was caused as much by news from England as by any disgust with the crusade. Between an oppressive chancellor and a treacherous brother, the whole kingdom was in disorder. Longchamp had inaugurated his government by imprisoning his colleague, Pudsey, bishop of Durham and chief justiciary of the north. The bishop of Ely was now papal legate, chief justiciary of the kingdom, chancellor, and president of the council of regency. abused his powers unblushingly; had he continued in office, it was said, he would have taken his ring from the knight, his silver-studded belt from the man-at-arms, her bracelets from the woman, and his precious stones from the Jew. He travelled with an escort of one thousand horse, sealed public




documents with his own seal, and married the crown wards to his own low-born relations. He wasted the church estates of York, in the absence of the archbishop, by wholesale dilapidations. He tried to corrupt public opinion by hiring minstrels to sing his praises about the streets. Yet it is probable that in some cases he excited hatred only by the faithful discharge of his duty. He surrounded the Tower with a ditch, and put the canons of York under interdict till they acknowledged his legatine powers. He steadily opposed the intrigues of John, who aimed from the first at securing himself the succession,1 and employed the vast income assigned him against the giver. The first intelligence of the revolt against Longchamp's government reached Richard in Sicily. He is said to have appointed a commission of inquiry. It is more certain that he confirmed Longchamp in his post. But when it was known that the king was in Palestine, an insurrection broke out, headed by earl John. The ostensible object was to confirm Gerard de Camville in the shrievalty of Lincolnshire, which he claimed on doubtful grounds, or at least which Longchamp disputed. The barons would not take part against the crown, or with the chancellor. A compromise was made, by which matters affecting tenants-in-chief were to be decided by the king's court. The castles that had been taken were consigned to a commission in trust for the king, and the barons swore fealty to John, as presumptive heir to the crown, disregarding the claims of Arthur, Geoffrey's son, whom Richard had designated as his successor.

Before long the opportunity for another breach with the chancellor presented itself. Geoffrey Plantagenet, archbishop of York, had been ordered by his brother to remain out of England. There was good reason for this: Geoffrey's quarrels with the king had extended over several years, and his fidelity

There seems to have been a general belief in England, that Richard would never return from the crusade. His health had been seriously affected by the hardships of war and excessive exercise in arms. He was pale and bloated, and boils had broken out over his body, just before he left England. -Newburgh, vol. ii., p. 12.

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