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CRYPTEIA.

point are refuted at length by Lampe.1 From Suidas and the scholiast on Aristophanes, it appears to have been a split reed or cane, which clattered when shaken with the hand. According to Eustathius,' it was made of shell and brass as well as of wood. Clemens Alexandrinus farther says that it was an invention of the Sicilians.

Women who played on the crotalum were termed crotalistria. Such was Virgil's Copa,

CRYPTEIA.

ever, does not mention this proclamation at all; and Plutarch, who mentions it on the authority of Aristotle, does not represent it as identical with the crypteia. Müller also supposes that, according to the received opinion, this chase of the slaves took place regularly every year; and showing at once the absurdity of such an annual proclamation of war and massacre among the slaves, he rejects what he calls the common opinion altogether, as involved in inextricable difficulties, and has rewall1 much more judiciously considers that this course to Plato to solve the problem. But Thirl

"Crispum sub crotalo docta movere latus." The line alludes to the dance with crotala (similar to castanets), for which we have the additional tes-proclamation of war is not altogether groundless, timony of Macrobius. The annexed woodcut, taken from the drawing of an ancient marble in Spon's Miscellanea, represents one of these crotalistria performing.

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CROTON (κрóτwv), I. an insect found on oxen and dogs, and sometimes on men, namely, the Acarus reduvius, L., or Tick.-II. According to Galen, the same with the Kiki. (Vid. CICI.)

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but only a misrepresentation of something else, and that its real character was most probably connected with the crypteia. Now if we suppose that the thing here misrepresented and exaggerated into a proclamation of war was some promise which the ephors, on entering upon their office, were obliged to make for instance, to protect the state against any danger that might arise from too great an increase of the numbers and power of the Helots-a promise which might very easily be distorted into a proclamation of war-there is nothing contrary to the spirit of the legislation of Lycurgus; and such an institution. by no means surprising in a slaveholding state like Sparta, where the number of free citizens was comparatively very small, would have conferred upon the ephors the legal authority occasionally to send out a number of young Spartans in when the state had reason to fear the overwhelming chase of the Helots. That on certain occasions, number of slaves, thousands were massacred with known fact. It is, however, probable enough that the sanction of the public authorities, is a wellsuch a system may at first have been carried on with some degree of moderation; but after attempts had been made by the slaves to emancipate them

selves and put their masters to death, as was the assumed the barbarous and atrocious character case during and after the earthquake in Laconia, it which we have described above. If the crypteia had taken place annually, and at a fixed time, we should indeed have reason, with Muller, to wonder why the Helots, who in many districts lived entirely alone, and were united by despair for the sake of common protection, did not every year kindle a whole of Laconia; but Plutarch, the only authority most bloody and determined war throughout the

CRY ΡΤΕΙΑ (κρυπτεία, also called κρυπτία or *рURT) was, according to Aristotle, 10 an institution introduced at Sparta by the legislation of Lycurgus. Its character was so cruel and atrocious, that Plutarch only with great reluctance submitted to the authority of Aristotle in ascribing its introduction to the Spartan lawgiver. The description which he gives of it is this: The ephors, at intervals, selected from among the young Spartans those who appeared to be best qualified for the task, and sent them in various directions all over the country, provided with daggers and their necessary food. During the daytime these young men concealed them-on which this supposition can rest, does not say that selves; but at night they broke forth into the highroads, and massacred those of the Helots whom they met, or whom they thought proper. Sometimes, also, they ranged over the fields (in the daytime), and despatched the strongest and best of the Helots. This account agrees with that of Heraclides of Pontus," who speaks of the practice as one that was still carried on in his own time, though he describes its introduction by Lycurgus only as a report.

the crypteia took place every year, but diù xpóvov, ties which Müller finds in what he calls the common i. e., "at intervals," or occasionally." The difficulaccount of the crypteja, are thus, in our opinion, removed, and it is no longer necessary to seek their solution in the description given by Plato, who proposed for his Cretan colony a similar institution, under the name of crypteia. From the known partiality of Plato for Spartan institutions, and his inThe cryptera has generally been considered either clination to represent them in a favourable light, it as a kind of military training of the Spartan youths, will be admitted that, on a subject like this, his evin which, as in other cases, the lives of the Helots idence will be of little weight. And when he adoptwere unscrupulously sacrificed, or as a means of ed the name crypteia for his institution, it by no lessening the numbers and weakening the power of means follows that he intended to make it in every the slaves. But Müller, 12 who is anxious to soften respect similar to that of Sparta; a partial resemthe notions generally current respecting the rela-blance was sufficient to transfer the name of the tions between the Helots and their masters, supposes that Plutarch and Heraclides represent the institution of the crypteia "as a war which the ephors themselves, on entering upon their yearly office, proclaimed against the Helots." Heraclides, how

1. (De Cymb. Vet., i., 4, 5, 6.)-2. (Nubes, 260.)-3. (Il., xi., 160.)-4. (., 2.)--5. (Sat., 11., 10.)-6. (Sec. I., art. vi., fig. 43.) -7. (Arist., Nub., 448.-Eur., Cycl., 104.)-8. (Aristot., H. A., v. 17.)-9. (Theophrast., H. P., 1., 10.)-10. ap. Plut., Lyc., 28.)-11. (c. 2.)-12. (Dorians, iii., 3, 4.)

Spartan institution to that which he proposed to establish; and it is sufficiently clear, from his own words, that his attention was more particularly directed to the advantages which young soldiers might derive from such hardships as the κpurToi had to undergo. But even Plato's colony would not have

1. (Hist. Greece, vol. i., p. 311.)-2. (Isocr., Panath., p. 271, B.)-3. (Thucyd., iv., 80.)-4. (Compare Plut., Lyc., 28, sub fin.)-5. (Hermann ad Viger., p. 856.)—6. (De Leg., i., p. 633 ; vi., p. 763.)

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been of a very humane character, as his kруπтоí | by P. Victor' as the crypta Balbi, attached to the were to go out in arms and make free use of the theatre built by Cornelius Balbus at the instigation slaves. of Augustus,2 which is supposed to be the ruin now seen in the Via di S. Maria di Cacaberis, between the church of that name and the S. Maria di Pianto. II. A grotto, particularly one open at both extremities, forming what in modern language is denominated a "tunnel," like the grotto of Pausilippo, well known to every visitant of Naples. This is a tunnel excavated in the tufo rock, about 20 feet high and 1800 long, forming the direct communication between Naples and Pozzuoli (Puteoli), called by the Romans crypta Neapolitana, and described by Seneca3 and Strabo."

CRUX (σravρós, σkóλop), an instrument of capital punishment used by several ancient nations, especially the Romans and Carthaginians. The words σravρów and σkuλonič✩ are also applied to Persian and Egyptian punishments, but Casaubon' doubts whether they describe the Roman method of crucifixion. From Seneca' we learn the latter to have been of two kinds, the less usual sort being rather impalement than what we should describe by the word crucifixion, as the criminal was transfixed by a pole, which passed through the back and spine, and came out at the mouth.

A subterranean vault used for any secret worship, but more particularly for the licentious rites consecrated to Priapus, was also called crypta.3

III. When the practice of consuming the body by fire was relinquished (vid. BUSTUM, CONDITORIUM), and a number of bodies was consigned to one place of burial, as the catacombs, for instance, this common tomb was called crypta. One of these, the crypta Nepotiana, which was in the vicus Patricius, under the Esquiline, was used by the early Christians, during the times of their persecution, as a place of secret worship.8

CRYPTOPO'RTICUS. (Vid. CRYPTA.)

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The cross was of several kinds; one in the shape of an X, called crux Andreana, because tradition reports St. Andrew to have suffered upon it; another was found like a T, as we learn from Lucian, who makes it the subject of a charge against the letter. The third, and most common sort, was made of two pieces of wood crossed, so as to make four right angles. It was on this, according to the unanimous testimony of the fathers, who sought to confirm it by Scripture itself, that our Saviour suffered. The punishment, as is well known, was chiefly inflicted on slaves and the worst kind of malefactors. The manner of it was as follows: The criminal, after *CRYSTALLUS or -UM (кpúσraλhoç), Crystal. sentence pronounced, carried his cross to the place The ancients were of opinion that crystal was only of execution: a custom mentioned by Plutarch and water congealed in a long period of time into an ice Artemidorus, as well as in the Gospels. From more durable than common; and Pliny thought it Livy and Valerius Maximus,' scourging appears was nowhere to be found but in excessively cold to have formed a part of this, as of other capital regions. That it is ice is certain," says this wripunishments among the Romans. The scourging ter, "and hence the Greeks have given it its of our Saviour, however, is not to be regarded in name.' In accordance with the etymology here this light, as Grotius and Hammond have observed alluded to, kpvorahoc is thought to come from it was inflicted before sentence was pronounced.10 kpúos, "ice," or from κpvorúw (kpvoraivw), "to The criminal was next stripped of his clothes, and freeze." "This ancient notion," observes Dr. nailed or bound to the cross. The latter was the Moore, "will appear less ridiculous if we consider more painful method, as the sufferer was left to die that, although water really converted into a solid of hunger. Instances are recorded of persons who crystalline mass, by exposure to a very ordinary survived nine days. It was usual to leave the body degree of cold, resumes its fluid state when the on the cross after death. The breaking of the legs heat of which it was deprived is again restored; yet of the thieves, mentioned in the Gospels, was acci- the results of chemical analysis teach us that wadental; because by the Jewish law, it is expressly ter, in a permanently solid state, constitutes a conremarked, the bodies could not remain on the cross siderable portion of many crystalline substances. during the Sabbath-day."1 Of the hydrate of magnesia, for example, it forms CRYPTA (from крúжTε, to conceal), a Crypt. near one third; and of the sulphate of soda, considAmong the Romans, any long narrow vault, wheth-erably above one half. Rock-crystal is one among er wholly or partially below the level of the earth, is expressed by this term; such as a sewer (crypta Subura12) (vid. CLOACA), the carceres of the circus (vid. CIRCUS, p. 254), or a magazine for the reception of agricultural produce.13

The specific senses of the word are:

I. A covered portico or arcade, called more definitely crypto-porticus, because it was not supported by open columns like the ordinary portico, but closed at the sides, with windows only for the admission of light and air. These were frequented during summer for their coolness. A portico of this kind, almost entire, is still remaining in the suburban villa of Arrius Diomedes at Pompeii.

the very few minerals whose crystalline form Pliny has remarked. He mentions one remarkable use of crystal in applying actual cautery, the crystal having been used as a lens. This, however, was known long before, mention of it having been made in the Clouds of Aristophanes, and in the poem of the pseudo-Orpheus on the properties of Stones." CUBEIA. (Vid. TESSERA.)

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CUBICULA'RII were slaves who had the care of the sleeping and dwelling rooms. Faithful slaves were always selected for this office, as they had, to a certain extent, the care of their master's person. When Julius Cæsar was taken by the pirates, he dismissed all his other slaves and attendants, only Some theatres, if not all, had a similar portico retaining with him a physician and two cubiculaattached to them for the convenience of the per-rii." It was the duty of the cubicularii to introduce formers, who there rehearsed their parts or practised their exercises.15 One of these is mentioned

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visiters to their master, for which purpose they appear to have usually remained in an ante-room. 13 Under the later emperors, the cubicularii belonging

1. (Exer. Antibaron., xvi., 77.)-2. (Cons, ad Marc., xx.Epist., xiv., 1.)-3. (Judic. Vocal., xii.) — 4. (Lips., De Cruce, i., 9.)-5. (Juv., Sat., vi., 219.-Hor.. Sat., I., iii., 82.)-6. (De 1. (Regio ix.) 2. (Suet., Octav., 29.- Dion Cass., liv., 25.) Tard. Dei Vind., Ekaoros Twv kakоúрywv ¿KOÉpɛL TÒν avтoù-3. (Epist., 57.) — 4. (v., 7, p. 197, ed. Siebenk.- - Compare Cravрóv.)—7. ('Ovεtpokρ., ii., 61.)—8. (xxxiii., 36.) —9. (1., 7.) Petron., Fragm., xiii.)-5. (Petron., Sat., xvi., 3.-Compare 10. (St. Luke, xxiii., 16.- St. John, xix., 1, 6.)-11. (Lips., xvii., 8.)-6. (Salmas., Exercit. Plin., p. 850.- Aring., Rom. De Cruce.-Casaubon, Exer. Antibaron., xvi., 77.)-12. (Juv., Subterr., i., 1, 9.-Prudent., Ipi Eré., xi., 153.) — 7. (FesSat., v., 106.) 13. (Vitruv., vi., 8. — Compare Varro, De Ré tus, s. v. Septimontium.)-8. (Nardini, Rom. Antic., iv., 3.)-9. Rust., i., 57.)-14. (Plin., Epist., il., 15; v.,6; vii., 21.-Sidon., (H. N., xxxvii., 9.)-10. (Ancient Mineralogy, p. 140.) — 11. Epist., 11., 2.)-15. (Suet, Cal., 58.-Compare Dion Cass., lix., (Suet., Jul., 4.)-12. (Cic. ad Att., vi., 2, 9 5.-in Verr., iii., 4.) 29-Joseph, Antiq., xix, 1, ◊ 14.) -13. (Suet., Tib., 21.-Dom., 10.)

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to the palace were called præpositi sacro cubiculo, | ion, which gave origin to the term Bardocucullus. and were persons of high rank.1

CUBICULUM usually means a sleeping and dwelling room in a Roman house (vid. HOUSE), but is also applied to the pavilion or tent in which the Roman emperors were accustomed to witness the public games. It appears to have been so called, because the emperors were accustomed to recline in the cubicula, instead of sitting, as was anciently the practice, in a sella curulis.3

CUBISTETERES (KVбLσтηTпpεç), were a particular kind of dancers or tumblers, who in the course of their dance flung themselves on their heads and alighted again on their feet (wσερ oi кvbioтwVTES καὶ εἰς ὀρθρὸν τα σκέλη περιφερόμενοι κυβιστῶσι κύA). We read of KubioτηTipes as early as the time of Homer. These tumblers were also accustomed to make their somerset over knives or swords, which was called Kubiorậv eiç μaxaípas. The way in which this feat was performed is described by Xenophon, who says that a circle was made quite full of upright swords, and that the dancer εἰς ταῦτα ἐκυβίστα τε καὶ ἐξεκυβίστα ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν. We find many representations of these tumblers, both male and female, in ancient works of art."

Κυβιστητήρες were frequently introduced at convivial entertainments to amuse the guests; but Socrates condemns the practice, as attended with too much danger to be pleasing on such occasions.' CUBITUS (ʊç), a Greek and Roman measure of length, originally the length of the human arm from the elbow to the wrist, or to the knuckle of the middle finger. It was equal to a foot and a half, which would give, according to Mr. Hussey's computation. 1 foot 5 4744 inches Eng. for the Roman, and 1 foot 6-2016 inches for the Greek cubit.10 CUBUS (Kuboç), a Cube; a name given also to a vessel (called likewise quadrantal), the sides of which were formed by six equal squares (including the top), each square having each of its sides a foot long. The solid contents of the cube were equal to the amphora.

"Pes longo in spatio latoque altoque notetur :
Angulus ut par sit, quem claudit linea triplex,
Quatuor et medium quadris cingatur inane:
Amphora fit cubus."'li

"Liburnici cuculli" are mentioned by Martial.1
*CU'CUMIS, the Cucumber. (Vid. COLOCYNTHE
and SicYS.)

*CUCURBITA, the Gourd. (Vid. COLOCYNTHE.) CUDO or CUDON, a Scull-cap, made of leather, or of the rough, shaggy fur of any wild animal, such as were worn by the velites of the Roman armies, and apparently synonymous with galerus♦ or galericulus.

In the sculptures on the column of Trajan, some of the Roman soldiers are represented with the skin of a wild beast drawn over the head, in such a manner that the face appears between the upper and lower jaws of the animal, while the rest of the skin falls down behind over the back and shoulders, as described by Virgil. This, however, was an extra defence, and must not be taken for the cudo, which was the cap itself; that is, a particular kind of galea. (Vid. GALEA) The following representation of a cudo is taken from Choul's Castramen. des Anciens Romains, 1581.

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CU'LEUS or CU'LLEUS, a Roman measure, which was used for estimating the produce of vineyards. It was the largest liquid measure used by the Romans, containing 20 amphoræ, or 118 gallons 7.546 pints.

"Est et, bis decies quem conficit amphora nostra,
Culleus: hac major nulla est mensura liquoris.”
CU'LEUS or CU'LLEUS. (Vid. CORNELIA LEX
DE SICARIIS.)

*CULEX, the Gnat. (Vid. CONOPS.)

CULINA, in its most common acceptation, means a place for cooking victuals, whether the kitchen of a private habitation (vid. HOUSE), or the offices attached to a temple, in which the flesh of victim was prepared for the sacred feasts or for the priesthood."

*CU'CULUS, the Cuckoo. (Vid. Coccyx.) CUCULLUS, a Cowl. As the cowl was intended to be used in the open air, and to be drawn over the head to protect it from the injuries of the weath-the er, instead of a hat or cap, it was attached only to garments of the coarsest kind. Its form may be conceived from the woodcut at page 132. It is there represented as worn by a Roman shepherd, agreeably to the testimony of Columella.12 The cucullus was also used by persons in the higher circles of society, when they wished to go abroad without being known.13

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It signifies also a convenience, cabinet d'aisance, secessum, ápɛdρúv.10 Quædam quotidie, ut culina et caprile.... debent emundari," unless the conjecture of Schneider is admitted, who proposed to read "suile et caprile."

Lastly, it is used for a particular part of the funeral pyre, or of the bustum, on or in which the viands of the funeral feast were consumed.11 Com

"Neque in culinam et uncta compitalia
Dapesque ducis sordidas;"

The use of the cowl, and also of the cape (vid. BIRRUS), which served the same purpose, was al-pare an anonymous poet in Catalect. lowed to slaves by a law in the Codex Theodosianus.14 Cowls were imported into Italy from Saintes, in France (Santonico cucullo),15 and from the country of the Bardæi, in Illyria. 16 Those from in which sense it corresponds with the Greek ɛvothe latter locality were probably of a peculiar fash- Tpa.13

1. (Cod. 12, tit. 5.)-2. (Suet., Ner., 12.-Plin., Paneg., 51.) -3. (Ernesti ad Suet., I. c.)-4. (Plato, Symp., c. 16, p. 190.)5. (Il., xvii., 605.—Od., iv., 18.)—6. (Plato, Euthyd., c. 55, p. 294.-Xen., Mem.. i., 3, 6 9.-Symp., ii., 14.-Athen., iv., p. 129, D.-Pollux, Onom., iii., 134.)-7. (Symp., ii., 11.)-8. (See Tischbein, Engravings from Ancient Vases, i., 60.)-9. (Xen., Symp., vi. 3.-See Becker, Charikles, vol. i., p. 499; ii., p. 287.)-10. (Warm, De Pond. Mens., &c.-Hussey on Ancient Weights, &c.)-11. (Rhem. Fann., De Pond., &c., v., 59-62.) 12. (De Re Rustica, xi., 1.)-13. (Juv., vi., 330.-Jul. Cap., Ver., 4.-Becker, Gallus, vol. i., p. 333.)-14. (Vossius, Etym. Ling. Lat., s. v. Birrus.)-15. (Juv., Sat., viii., 145.-Schol. in loc.)-16. (Jul. Cep., Pertinax, 8.)

Ἐν ταῖσιν εὐστραις κονδύλοις ἡρμοττόμην. CULIX (κύλιξ, dim. κυλίσκη, κυλίσκιον), a common Greek drinking-cup,13 called by the Romans calix. The name was sometimes applied to large

1. (xiv., 139.)-2. (Sil. Ital., viii., 495; xvi., 59.)-3. (Polyb., vi., 20.)-4. (Virg., En., vii., 688.)-5. (Frontin., Strategem., IV., vii., 29.)-6. (En., vii., 666.)-7. (Polyb., 1. c.)-8. (Rhem. Fann., De Pond., &c., v., 86, 87.)-9. (Inscrip. ap. Grut., xlix., 3.-ap. Biag. Monum. Gr. et Lat. Mus. Nan., p. 188.-ap. Mur., 485, 8.)-10. (Isid., Gloss. Philox.-Columell., ., 15.)-11. (Festus, s. v. Culina; and vid. BUSTIRAPI, p. 169.)-12. (Aristoph., Equit., 1232, ed. Bakk.)-13. (Pollux, Onom. vi., 95.)

cups or vessels,' but was generally restricted to small drinking-cups used at symposia and on similar occasions (ἢν ἡμῖν οἱ παῖδες μικραῖς κύλιξι πυκνά ἐπιψακάζωσιν). The κύλιξ is frequently seen in paintings on ancient vases which represent drinking scenes, and when empty, is usually held upright by one of its handles, as shown in the annexed wood

cut.

Athenæus informs us that these cups were usually made of earthenware, and that the best kind were manufactured in Attica and Argolis.

The following woodcut, which is referred to in several articles, is taken from Millin,' and represents a symposium. Three young and two older men are reclining on a couch (κλίνη), with their left arms resting on striped pillows (Tроokεpáλaιa or vraуkúvia). Before the couch are two tables. Three of the men are holding the Kúλığ suspended by one of the handles to the fore-finger; the fourth holds a pián (vid. PHIALA); and the fifth a quin in one hand and a porov in the other. (Vid. RUTON.) In the middle Komos is beating the tympanum.2

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CULPA. The general notion of damnum, and the nature of dolus malus, are most conveniently explained under this head.

Damnum is injury done by one man to the property of another, and done illegally (injuria, i. e., contra jus); for this is the meaning of injuria in the actio damni injuriæ given by the lex Aquilia; and injuria, in this sense, must not be confounded with the actio injuriarum. This damnum, injuria of the lex Aquilia, is done by culpa or by dolus malus; for damnum done without culpa or dolus malus is casual (casus), and the doer is not punishable. Damnum, in fact, implies injuria; and, generally, a man is not bound to make good the damage done by hm to another man's property, except on the ground of contract, or on the ground of illegal act where there is no contract, that is culpa or dolus.

Neither culpa nor dolus can be taken as a genus which shall comprehend the species culpa and dolus, though some writers have so viewed these terms. Dolus malus is thus defined by Labeo: "Dolus malus est omnis calliditas, fallacia, machinatio ad circumveniendum, fallendum, decipiendum alterum adhibita " Dolus malus, therefore, has reference to the evil design with which an act is accomplished to the injury of another; or it may be the evil design with which an act is omitted that ought to be done. The definition of Aquilius, a learned jurist, the friend of Cicero, and his colleague in the prætorship,' labours under the defect of the definition of Servius, which is criticised by Labeo. This seems to be the Aquilius who, by the edict, gave the action of dolus malus in all cases of dolus malus where there was no legislative provision, and there was a justa causa.'

It is generally considered that culpa may be either an act of commission or omission; and that an act of commission may fall short of dolus, as not coming within the above definition, but it may approach very near to dolus, and so become culpa dolo proxima. But the characteristic of culpa is omission. It is true that the damnum, which is

1. (Herod., iv., 70.)-2. (Xen., Sympos., ii., 26.)-3. (xi., p. 480.)-4. (Gaius, iii., 210.-Dig. 9, tit. 2, s. 5.)-5. (Gaius, iii., 220.)-6. (Dig. 4, tit. 3, s. 1.)-7. (Off., iii., 14.)-8. (Dig. 4, tit. 8, s. 1.)-9. (Cic., De Nat. Deor., iii., 30.)

necessary to constitute the culpa, is the consequence of some act; but the act derives its culpose character from an act omitted; otherwise it might be casus, or casual damage.

Culpa, then, being characterized by an act of omission (negligentia), or omissio diligentiæ, the question always is, how far is the person charged with culpa bound to look after the interest of another, or to use diligentia. There is no such general obligation, but there is such obligation in particular cases. Culpa is divided into lata, levis, and levissima. Lata culpa "est nimia negligentia, id est, non intelligere quod omnes intelligunt." If, then, one man injured the property of another by gross carelessness, he was always bound to make good the damage (damnum præstare). Such culpa was not dolus, because there was not intention or design, but it was as bad in its consequences to the person charged with it.

Levis culpa is negligence of a smaller degree, and the responsibility in such case arises from contract. He who is answerable for levis culpa, is answerable for injury caused to the property of another by some omission, which a careful person could or might have prevented. For instance, in the case of a thing lent (vid. COMMODATUM), a man must take at least as much care of it as a careful man does of his own property. There is never any culpa if the person charged with it has done all that the most careful person could do to prevent loss or damage. Levissima culpa came within the meaning of the term culpa in the lex Aquilia; that is, any injury that happened to one man's property through the conduct of another, for want of such care as the most careful person would take, was a culpa, and therefore punishable.

The word culpa occurs very frequently in the Latin writers in a great variety of meanings; but the characteristic of such meanings is "carelessness" or "neglect." Hence may be explained the passage of Horace,*

"Post hoc ludus erat culpa potare magistra ;" which means to have no magister at all, or, as the 1. (Peintures de Vases Antiques, vol. ii., pl. 58.)-2. (Becker, Charikles, vol. i., p. 505; vol. ii., p. 499.)-3. (Dig. 50, tit. 10. s. 213.)-4. (Sat., II., ii., 123.)

CULTRARIUS.

scholiast explains it, "libere potare." The absurdity of the explanation grafted on this scholium, is only equalled by the absurdity of Bentley's emendation of cupa for culpa.

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CUPRESSUS.

*CUMI'NUM or CYMI'NUM (kúμvov), “ Cumin, an umbelliferous plant, of annual duration, found wild in Egypt and Syria, and cultivated from time immemorial for the sake of its agreeable aromatic fruit, CULTER (probably from cello, percello; dim. cul- which, like that of caraway, dill, anise, &c., possesstellus, Engl. coulter; in southern Germany, das kol-es well-marked stimulating and carminative propter; French, couteau; Greek, μáxaipa, кoñís, or erties." The seeds were used by the ancients as opayiç), a knife with only one edge, which formed a a condiment, and the mode of preparing what was straight line. The blade was pointed and its back termed the cuminatum is given by Apicius.1 Drinking curved. It was used for a variety of purposes, a decoction of cumin produced paleness, and hence but chiefly for killing animals, either in the slaugh- the allusion in Horace to the "exsangue cuminum.”2 ter-house, or in hunting, or at the altars of the gods. Pliny says it was reported that the disciples of PorHence the expressions bovem ad cultrum emere, cius Latro, a famous master of the art of speaking, "to buy an ox for the purpose of slaughtering it;" ;" used it to imitate that paleness which he had conme sub cultro linquit, "he leaves me in a state like tracted from his studies. The ancients used to that of a victim dragged to the altar;" se ad cul- place cumin on the table in a small vessel, like trum locare, "to become a bestiarius."4 From some salt; the penurious were sparing of its use in this of the passages above referred to, it would appear way, whence arose the expressions kvμivorpiorns, that the culter was carried in a kind of sheath."a splitter of cumin-seed," analogous to kapdaμoyThe priest who conducted a sacrifice never killed λúpos, "a cutter or scraper of cresses," and in Latin the victim himself; but one of his ministri, ap-cuminisector, to denote a sordid and miserly perpointed for that purpose, who was called either by the general name minister, or the more specific popa or cultrarius. A tombstone of a cultrarius is still extant, and upon it two cultri are represented, which are copied in the annexed woodcut.

QTIBVRTI.Q.L
MENOLANI

CVLTRARI. OSSA

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son." It can admit of no doubt, according to Adams, that the kúμvov nepov of Dioscorides, which is the only species treated of by Hippocrates and Galen, was the Cuminum cyminum, L. Of the two varieties of the Kúuvov dyptov described by Dioscorides, the first, according to Matthiolus and Sprengel, is the Lagacia cuminoides, L.; the other, most proba- . bly, the Nigella arvensis, or wild Fennel flower.

CUNEUS was the name applied to a body of foot-soldiers, drawn up in the form of a wedge, for the purpose of breaking through an enemy's line. The common soldiers called it a caput porcinum, or pig's head.

The wedge was met by the "forfex" or shears, a name given to a body of men drawn up in the form of the letter V, so as to receive the wedge between two lines of troops. The name cuneus was also applied to the compartments of seats in circular or semicircular theatres, which were so arranged as to converge to the centre of the theatre, and diverge towards the external walls of the building, with passages between each compartment.

CUNI CULUS (úпóνоμоç). A mine or passage under ground was so called, from its resemblance to the burrowing of a rabbit. Thus Martial' says,

The name culter was also applied to razors and kitchen-knives." That in these cases the culter was different from those above represented, and most probably smaller, is certain; since, whenever it was used for shaving or domestic purposes, it was always distinguished from the common culter by some epithet, as culter tonsorius, culter coquinaris. Fruit-knives were also called cultri; but they were of a smaller kind (cultelli), and made of bone or ivory. Columella, who gives a very minute description of a falz vinitoria, a knife for pruning vines, says that the part of the blade nearest to the handle was called culter on account of its similarity to an ordinary culter, the edge of that part form-Greek daoúrovç. (Vid. DASYPUS.) ing a straight line. This culter, according to him, was to be used when a branch was to be cut off which required a hard pressure of the hand on the knife. The name culter, which was also applied to the sharp and pointed iron of the plough, 11 is still extant in English, in the form coulter, to designate the same thing. (Vid. ARATRUM.)

"Gaudet in effossis habitare cuniculus antris,

Monstravit tacitas hostibus ille vias."

Fidena and Veii are said to have been taken by mines, which opened, one of them into the citadel, the other into the Temple of Juno. Niebuhr observes that there is hardly any authentic instance of a town being taken in the manner related of Veii, and supposes that the legend arose out of a tradition that Veii was taken by means of a mine, by which a part of the wall was overthrown.

The expression in cultrum or in cultro collocatus12 signifies placed in a perpendicular position.

CULTRA RIUS. (Vid. CULter.)

*CUNICULUS, the Rabbit, the same with the

*CUNI'LA, Savory, or wild Marjoram, a plant of which there are several kinds: 1. The Sativa is also called Satureia, and was used as a condiment. (Vid. THYMBRA.)-2. The Bubula is the wild Origany. (Vid. ORIGANUS.)-3. The Gallinacea is the same with Cunilago, or Flea-bane.10

*CUPRESSUS (кνжάρισσог), the Cypress, or Cupressus Sempervirens, L. The Cypress was a funereal tree among the ancients. Branches of this tree were placed at the doors of deceased persons. It was consecrated to Pluto, because, according to popular belief, when once cut, it never grew again, and it was also accustomed to be placed around

1. (Liv., iii., 48.-Scribonius, Compos. Med., 13.-Suet., Octav., 9.-Plaut., Rud., I., ii., 45.-Virg., Georg., iii., 492.-Ovid, Fast., i., 321.)-2. (Varro, De Re Rust., ii., 5.)-3. (Hor., Sat., L., ix., 74.) 4. (Senec., Ep., 87.)-5. (Suet., Calig., 32.)-6. (Gruter, Inscript., vol. ii., p. 640, No. 11.)-7. (Cic., De Off., ii., 7.-Plin., vii., 59.-Petron., Sat., 108.)-8. (Varro ap. Non., 1. (i., 29.)-2. (Epist., i., 19, 18.)-3. (H. N., xx., 57.)-4. (1. ii., 332.)-9. (Columell., xii., 14, 45.-Plin., xii., 25.-Scribon., c. c.)-5. (Billerbeck, Flora Classica, p. 79.)-6. (Veget., 11., 19.) 83.)-10. (iv., 25.)-11. (Plin., H. N., xviii., 18, 48.)-12. (Vi--7. (xiii., 60.)-8. (Liv., iv., 22; v., 19.)-9. (Hist. Rom., ., truv, X., 10, 14.) 483, transl.)-10. (Plin., H. N., xix., 8; xx., 16.)

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