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This rendering was kindly given by Sir Charles H. Read, of the British Museum. The stone itself is broken. The part which was broken off, and is stated to have been built into a wall erected after the stone was found, probably recorded the same distance from Kanovium as does that of the Hadrian stoneM. P. VIII.1

In order to substantiate the claim that the earliest Roman road went down the Rhiwiau, Colonel Platt kindly permitted its examination at the three points (11) shown on the map, and provided labourers on his estate, including one ancient retainer who was able to

B

A

A. Original Level of Ground.

B. Present Level, showing growth of

18 in. to 24 in. of Vegetable Mould

give valuable information. Colonel Platt pointed out the spot to the west of the track where the two milestones were found in successive years, within ten yards. of each other; and it must be particularly noted that both were buried in the ground: that even of Hadrian showing only a small portion above the surface. Knowing the rapidity of the growth of vegetable mould in the course of many centuries, the accompanying illustration is given to show how easily, within the space of fourteen to fifteen centuries, this tall, heavy stone would become naturally covered when thrown down, most probably very soon after the Roman occupation ceased.

1 See Editorial Note.

A section of the present track was made opposite to the place where the two stones were discovered. Here there was evidence of deposit of rubble and stone, and the breadth of the track, 8 ft., comes within the designation of the Limites Linarii of the Romans, but its construction would necessarily have been at a later period; at the moment Suetonius presumably was following a native path. The ancient retainer then pointed out that from near below that section a new road commenced and was carried direct in his earlier days to the policies of Gorddinog, and that the old track ran in the wood parallel to that road and near to it. This was found to be the case, and two further cuttings were made. The first showed deposit of stone and rubble, which was badly broken up by tree roots. The next one, however, lower down the hill, was clear enough as to artificial deposit, and at the base included several cobble stones which are not natural to the local geological formation, while the breadth was again 8 ft.

From point (9) to the head of the Rhiwiau track there is marshy ground and now no indication of a path. A very slight obstruction would rapidly increase the depth of a marshy place, the growth of vegetation on wet ground being extremely quick. Thus, to prove further the correctness of the surmise that Suetonius Paulinus took the line down the Rhiwiau, excavation would have to be made, preferably from the head of the Rhiwiau towards the mountain road.

To continue the assumption, Suetonius when at point (9) would see his objective, Mona, and the present Lavan lands being, in those days, dry ground, the way was open to him straight almost to the island.

Mr. William Ashton in his very readable book, The Battle of Land and Sea, describes the great subsidence which, according to tradition, took place in the early part of the sixth century, along the whole British coast, from North Cumberland to Cardigan Bay, and possibly further south. The numerous finds at low tides far beyond the existing coast, and other evidences, make

this fact incontrovertible. The Welsh Gorhoffet, 11151190, the Welsh Triads, and Sir John Gwynne of Gwedir in his quaint and rare book, The Ancient Survey of Pen maen mawr, all allude to it. A somewhat questionable record in a poem attributed to Taliesin is also said to exist, to the effect that it occurred in his day, 520 A.D., and onward.

It is needful to make this allusion to Mr. Ashton's book, to make clear the course Suetonius would take. He had dry land before him to Mona, which was immediately opposite, and, arriving at the then narrow strait, we have the record of Tacitus.1 "He [Suetonius] built flat-bottomed vessels to cope with the shallows and uncertain depth of the sea. Thus the infantry crossed, while the cavalry followed by fording or, where the water was deep, swam by the side of their horses." The journey is ended. What Suetonius Paulinus did in Mona; how he was hurried back to South East Britain to deal with the revolt under Boudica (Boadicea of English History); or what Agricola accomplished about eighteen years subsequently to complete the subjection of Druidism, and of the malcontents who had flocked to the Island of Mona for refuge, is briefly recorded by Tacitus, but the details are not within the province of the subject in hand. To quote a note of Mr. Murphy, in his translation of Tacitus's Agricola, there is little doubt that that general learned his first rudiments of war under Suetonius Paulinus, and was probably engaged with him in the first expedition to Mona, and took precisely the same route in his own expedition, and, further, that that route continued to be observed in the main, with certainty down the Rhiwiau for over one hundred years subsequently, and probably to the end of the occupation. Still, an alternative course may have been

Igitur Monam insulam... aggredi parat, navesque fabricatur plano alveo adversus breve et incertum. Sic pedes : equites vado secuti aut altiores inter undas adnantes equis tramisere. Annals, Book XIV, c. 29, Church's translation.

Tac.

planned out vid the Aber Gorge. It has been examined in two places without bringing to light any rubble or stone foundation, as was placed on the Rhiwiau track when traffic arose later on. But there is some insistance on that course by investigators, and it is to that view we may attribute the legend given currency to -that the two milestones which have been described were removed from the mountain road and rolled down the Rhiwiau (1). Every possible enquiry has been made as to this, but with no confirmation, and the depth to which they were eaten up by growth of vegetable mould controverts the legend.

Allusion has been made to Sir John Gwynne of Gwedir's (sic) An Ancient Survey of Pen maen mawr, and it is a temptation to quote the following extract from it" Ytt is greate pitty that our Brittishe Histories are soe ymbeseled that we have noe certteynte for theese thinges, but must onely rely uppon tradicion.' What Sir John Wynn, as he is best known now, thought in Charles I's time, assuredly we also have reason to do. His remark refers to the tradition of "A greate battayle fought betweene the Romaynes and the Brittaynes where the Romanes were overthrowne, and a greate slaughter of both sydes."

There is no historical record of such an episode, as also is there none as to what opposition either Suetonius or Agricola met with in their expeditions, the course of which it has been attempted to trace. But one may take it that the erection of Kanovium and Segontium camps, and the fort at Tomen and the fort at Tomen y Mur—not to speak of Hen Ddinbych, very possibly from its design also a Roman fort, though of small size, indicate that it was not altogether "plain sailing" with the Romans during the earlier years of their occupation of North Wales. What, again, was the occasion for so many British camps on hill tops? The matter is sub judice so to speak; but it points to strong opposition from the first, and may have been the cause of the construction of many of the roads that have yet to be

dealt with. Further notes will be given as soon as many points that have cropped up have been investigated. In the meantime Mr. Harold Hughes, of Bangor, has kindly undertaken to report on the road from about Aber to Segontium; Mr. Charles Breeze, of Port Madoc, on that from Tomen y Mur to Segontium; and the Rev. Thomas Roberts, late R.N., the track from Kanovium to Tomen y Mur. These routes have been but imperfectly done already, many valuable confirmations having been omitted through lack of enquiry

and observation.

Permission has been given by the Denbighshire Roads Committee to make sections of the roads from Llangerniew to Llansannan, to Bylchau and Denbigh, also by private owners of Ffordd Las, where it may now be mentioned an important stone has been discovered by Mr. Willoughby Gardner, that may perchance be an erratic boulder brought to the spot and placed in lieu of a cylindrical or quadrangular milestone, as was done in other parts of Great Britain.

EDITORIAL NOTE.-The stone is in the basement of the British Museum, cylindrical, similar to that of the Emperor Hadrian, figured in the April number, a fragment only, 2 ft. long. The inscription is in bold lettering arranged in five lines, the letters of the first line measuring 3 in., the remainder varying from 24 in. to 3 in. The last line is not easy to decipher, part of it having been purposely defaced. The squeeze kindly lent by Mr. Willoughby. Gardner has been carefully compared with the original, and the reading verified. The exact date is not difficult to determine. The inscription commemorates two, if not three Cæsars.

1. Lucius Septimius Severus, who also assumed among his titles the name 66 Pertinax," as the avenger of his predecessor's murder, came, after serving in Gallia Lugdunensis and Parthia, into Britain early in A.D. 208, and died at York in 211.

2. Severus had two sons, Bassianus (born at Lyons, A.D. 188) and Publius Geta (born A.D. 189). The elder son's name was changed to Marcus Aurelius, as on the milestone (at the time that Severus declared himself the adopted offspring of Marcus Aurelius), and this designation the elder son retained. But he had also a nickname, Caracalla (never used on medals or in official records), from a greatcoat with hood, which he adopted as his favourite dress and intro

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