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Cabinet, and maintained his position until 1888, when he was compelled to resign in consequence of a riotous outbreak at Bucharest, which was only suppressed after much bloodshed. When he left office he had been in power practically for twelve years. Since that time, owing to the divisions in the Liberal party and other causes, M. Bratiano had gradually withdrawn himself from political life.

On May 22 was the twenty-fifth anniversary of the arrival of the then Prince Charles of Hohenzollern, now King of Roumania. in Bucharest. A month previously (on April 20, 1886) he had been chosen by a plébiscite to ascend the throne of the united Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia. The election of the Hohenzollern Prince was a surprise to all Europe, with the exception of Napoleon III., who had objected to the previously successful candidate for the vacant throne, the Count of Flanders, as he was son of a Princess of the House of Orleans. For this reason the French Emperor had privately suggested to the late John Bratiano the young Hohenzollern Prince, then a lieutenant in the 2nd Prussian Regiment of Dragoon Guards, as a more suitable candidate. The consent of King William of Prussia to this candidature was easily obtained, but Prince Bismarck disliked the whole affair, and for many years afterwards the German secundogeniture on the Lower Danube was a source of anxiety to the ex-Chancellor, who thought it might some day involve Prussia in difficulties.

The election of the Prince occurred on the eve of the AustroPrussian war, and was so unwelcome to the Vienna Cabinet that he had to find his way to his future capital incognito, travelling under the name of "Herr Lehmann, merchant," and subsequently assumed the disguise of a ship's cook, on proceeding by the Austrian steamer down the river to Turn Severin, where he first touched Roumanian soil on May 20, 1866. He found the. country rent by political factions, and filled with revolutionary and Republican ideas. The upper classes were corrupt, the lower ignorant, the finances in a hopeless state, and the army worthless. Russian agitation was predominant, and the Prince, in order to secure his recognition by the Suzerain Power, had to go to Constantinople.

The Roumanians, in celebrating the anniversary, showed their gratitude for the immense services which this hard-working German Prince, who is a model of patience, perseverance, and foresight, had rendered to his adopted country within the past quarter of a century. In spite of the violence of parties, including Republican factions, the throne of Roumania has been secured, and the proclamation of the King's nephew, Prince Ferdinand of Hohenzollern, as heir to the throne, has been accepted by the country with the greatest enthusiasm, so that the continuance of the dynasty rests on a solid basis. The army, created anew by Prince Charles, was able at Plevna to save Russia from otherwise

certain disaster, and has been filled with self-confidence which promises well in the event of any future struggle against Russian aggression.

During the day a continuous stream of deputations presented addresses to the King, and in the afternoon some 2,000 village mayors assembled at the Athenæum, all wearing the brilliant national costume, with scarves, to hear an address delivered by M. Ionesco, one of the first among living Roumanian orators. In his speech he gave a sketch of the recent history of Roumania, and, among other things, he mentioned the following striking figures:

"Twenty-five years ago," he said, "there was not a mile of railway in all Roumania. Now there are 3,000 kilomètres. In 1866 the commercial rate of interest was as high as 11 per cent. Now it is 4 per cent. In 1866 the value of the exports was only 110 million francs. Now it is 274 millions. The total value of the commerce at the former date was only 181 millions. Now it is nearly 700 millions. Again, in 1866 the Budget was 55 millions, now it is 165 millions. In 1866 a 5 per cent. loan was issued at 65, now it is above par. In 1866 Roumania had no school of medicine, nor of engineering, nor even a bank.” The orator further enlarged on the immense progress the country has made in the years of King Charles's reign, and concluded with the hope that the next quarter of a century might show a proportionate advance.

The Hohenzollern origin of the King naturally facilitated his relations with the German and Austrian Courts, though the Russian proclivities of many of his subjects prevented him from joining the Triple Alliance. In October he visited Berlin, and was received by the Emperor with demonstrative cordiality. One of the objects of this visit was stated to be to find a suitable bride for the heir-apparent to the Roumanian throne, whose desire to marry Mlle. Vernesco, maid of honour to the Queen, had been thwarted by the King and the Ministry. But the Emperor was doubtless glad to use the occasion for showing to Europe that among those who will assist him in repelling Russian aggression in the East may be reckoned the little State which lies on the road from Russia to Constantinople, and which, in proportion to its population and resources, has the best and largest army in Europe, and is expending vast sums in rendering impossible a forcible occupation of her territory by Russian troops.

CHAPTER IV.

MINOR STATES OF EUROPE.

I. BELGIUM.

A TRAGICAL and painful event marked the opening of the year. Without any warning, and before anyone could have foreseen danger, the country, with dismay, learned that Prince Baldwin, elder son of the Count of Flanders, and heir-presumptive to the crown, had been carried off (Jan. 23) by a sudden illness, at the age of 21. This unexpected death was a heavy loss to the country, for over and above the personal qualities which had made. him universally beloved, Prince Baldwin realised to the highest degree the great and difficult duties which some day it seemed it would be his lot to perform. It may truly be said of him that the whole of his too short career had been devoted to the care of preparing himself thoroughly and conscientiously to his future task. By his death the only remaining heir to the crown was the second son of the Count of Flanders, Prince Albert. In presence of this national loss, all political differences were silenced, from all sides were heard hearty expressions of sorrow for a loss of which the consequences might prove fraught with many dangers to the country.

The hopes to which the previous year's vote of the Chambers (see "Annual Register," 1890, p. 358) on the important question of the revision of the Constitution had given rise, and the promised reformn of Article 47, concerning the electoral laws, did not receive a solution during the present year, but it became more and more clear that the country was in earnest for a change, for the people realised that in no other country in Europe was the electoral body so small as in Belgium. In 1890, by a unanimous vote, the Chamber of Representatives had decided to take into consideration a resolution of M. Janson, the Radical leader, concerning the revision of Article 47 of the constitution. The Liberals had supported the proposal, deeming the revision a social necessity; on the side of the Catholics, or Conservatives, there was less unanimity of opinion, some voting by conviction, others simply in order to give some satisfaction to public opinion, hoping that further concessions would be unnecessary. Lastly, a large number, under the guidance of M. Woeste, who was hostile to the proposed reform, had no other object in view than to force the Liberals to expose and define their views. It was well known that the Liberal party was unanimous only upon the necessity of a revision, various solutions of the problem having been put forward by its members, and M. Woeste hoped to profit by the dissensions that would then be disclosed, and cause the project to be finally abandoned.

Nevertheless, under the pressure of public opinion, this first

step having been taken by the Chambers, it was followed by others, and at length a Commission, composed of members of the Chamber belonging to both parties, was chosen to discuss the revision of the Constitution. Various proposals were put forward; one was for the adoption of universal suffrage; another, by M. Frère-Orban, recommended a large extension of that statesman's former plan of giving electoral rights to all citizens whose instruction had attained a certain standard; the Prime Minister, M. Beernaert, proposed to combine M. Frère-Orban's plan with the principle of householding; and lastly, another plan was based exclusively upon this latter principle.

These various points were discussed at great length, and it was not until a formidable strike had broken out, and that the situation thus created had become menacing, that the Commis sion, recognising the strength of public opinion out of doors, and in order to give satisfaction to the loudly expressed claims of the working men's party, were induced to bring their debates to a definite conclusion, and then unanimously resolved to report in favour of the necessity of revision. However wise this resolution may have been, it nevertheless caused a painful impression throughout the country on account of its having been voted on the day (May 20) on which the leaders of the workmen's party had fixed for proclaiming a universal strike, unless the Legislative Chambers had before that day given satisfaction to their demands. Whether the choice of the day for so important a constitutional vote was a pure coincidence remained undecided, but the workmen considered, and not wholly without reason, that they had gained a signal victory over the privileged classes.

This vote, after all, was no more than the endorsement of the Chamber's vote of the previous year, and was followed by no practical measure. The report of the Commission on this important question, moreover, was so long delayed that it could not be discussed by the Chambers, and the general opinion was that the Government wished to gain time and wait for the elections of 1892 before definitively placing the question before the country.

In the course of the year both the Liberal and the workmen's party made imposing manifestations in favour of reform. In the beginning of January deputations from all parts of the country assembled at Brussels, under the guidance of the leaders of the Radical party, and presented a petition, claiming universal suffrage, to M. Buls, burgomaster and deputy of Brussels, requesting him to carry it to the President of the Chamber, who had refused to receive the delegates of the meeting. As was expected, this Brussels demonstration, as imposing by the number as by the position of those who took part in it, passed off in the most calm and orderly manner. Nevertheless, the Government either felt, or affected to feel, the greatest uneasiness as to its probable consequences, notwithstanding the assurances given by

the leaders. Large bodies of troops were therefore concentrated at Brussels, and the anxiety of the Ministers grew to such a pitch that they resorted to the extreme measure of calling to arms two classes of militia, amounting to about 10,000 men. This attitude, which was diversely interpreted, nevertheless created throughout the country the impression that there was an invincible hostility in the Cabinet to the popular demands. The working men, more than any others interested in the extension of the suffrage, were determined to make only pacific demonstrations. A deputation of their body solicited and obtained a personal interview with the King, in order to expose the situation, and to inform him that the working party was decided to resort to a general strike if satisfaction were not given to their claims. The interview, which was very cordial, did not, however, as was easy to foresee, bring about any results; the delegates requested the King to make use of his influence over the Chambers to urge them to vote universal suffrage, but this the King could not do without infringing his constitutional duties.

Events shortly afterwards proved that the threats of the working party were not altogether baseless, for soon after the May-day Socialist manifestation, which had passed off with the greatest order, an extensive strike broke out in the coal districts of Liège and Charleroi, soon after followed by less important strikes in numerous other industrial centres. The situation wore from the outset so menacing an aspect, that imposing military forces had to be speedily drafted to the scenes of the principal strikes, in order to prevent a repetition of the lawlessness which had marked the course of the strikes of 1886. Still more than on previous occasions the strike of this year had an essentially political character, for although the pretext was an increase of salary and a reduction of the day's work to eight hours, the true object was to obtain, by intimidation, if not universal suffrage, or a large extension of the electoral right, at least the assurance that these important questions would be promptly examined. As already stated, this object was in a large measure attained, the Commission chosen by the Chamber having finally adopted the principle of the revision.

In short, although the question was not finally solved during the year, it was clear that the censitary system was definitively condemned, and that the period of Belgian history inaugurated in 1830 was now closed.

Independently of this important question of the revision of the Constitution, the solution of which, in one way or another, will have such immense influence on the nation's future destinies, the question of the defence of the country continued to occupy, to a large extent, public opinion. The introduction into the army of the principle of personal service met with more and more adherents, not only amongst the Liberal and workmen's parties, who were unanimous for this reform, but also amongst

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