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explain Philip's rapid success, took refuge in Rouen,' and thither the king followed him, by way of Saint-Pierre-surDive and Lisieux. 2 The investment of the city began. before the end of the month.3

Before he left Caen Philip had been joined by Guy of Thouars, the count of Brittany, and a large force of Bretons. They were fresh from the capture of MontSaint-Michel and Avranches. The situation upon the Breton frontier at the beginning of May was a curious one. The great abbey of the Mount, which for centuries had been a reconciling power between Bretons and Normans, and through whose territories the Bretons had passed in their journeys to and from the fair of Montmartin, had been turned by John into a royal fortress. It was wrapped in new defences of wood and stone, and owed obedience to the bailiff of the Côtentin. As late as the first of May

the king of England to The whole district was

its tenants were summoned by provide an aid for its defence. organised to resist invasion. In the islands, out in the bay, the men of Peter of Préaux were on their guard against hostile ships. In Pontorson the earl of Salisbury barred the passage of the Couesnon. Behind him, in Avranches and Saint-James-de-Beuvron, the earl of Chester probably had his place as viscount of the Avranchin. The latter's feelings at this time cannot have been pleasant. He had much to lose in Normandy, lands 1. He was one of the few persons excepted from the terms of the capitulation at Rouen (Teulet, Layettes, i, 250, no. 716). 2. Actes, nos. 816-818, pp. 185-6.

3. Ibid, no. 821, p. 187: "in castris ante Rothomagum, anno 1204, mense maio."

4. Rot. Scacc., ii, 547; Rot. Norm., 117, 120. On the social importance of Mont-Saint-Michel, compare the remarks of Courson, Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Redon (Coll. des doc. ined), p. liii.

5. Rot. Pat., 41b.

6. The earl of Salisbury had received Pontorson in exchange for other lands, according to Rot. Norm., 97. On 31st May, 1203, the earl of Chester had been entrusted with the castle of Avranches (Rot. Pat., 30) but it is uncertain whether he still held it. Brice the chamberlain had been placed in Mortain and Tenchebrai (ibid, 34b, 35).

in the Bessin and the Avranchin, and the rich honour of Saint-Sever above the Vau de Vire. A few years earlier he had, as the husband of Constance of Brittany, been able to call himself the duke of Brittany. He had imprisoned his troublesome and unwilling wife in this very castle of Saint-James. Now he was waiting for the man who had robbed him, and this man had all Brittany at his back. Only one consoling hope may have sustained the earl. Far away in Yorkshire there stretched the great honour of Richmond. It was almost an integral part of the duchy of Brittany. There was no man who had such a claim on Richmond as he had, for Guy of Thouars was a rebel, Arthur was out of the way, and his sister Eleanor was shut up at Corfe. We will hope that such thoughts as these encouraged Earl Randle. In any case Richmond was to be his reward.1

Guy of Thouars also must have had anxious thoughts. John had recognised him as count of Brittany, and he ran some risk in joining Philip. If Arthur were alive or if Eleanor escaped, his own daughter had no claim to succeed to Constance. As he led the Bretons, mad with desire to avenge the murder of their count, Guy must have been a better man than we think if he did not hope that Arthur was really dead.

The Bretons had no doubtful thoughts. They had a long list of injuries to avenge, and their minds were full of recent memories of John's brutal mercenaries and the loss of the relics of Saint Samson. They moved quickly when they heard of Philip's advance. Those who knew the bay of Saint-Michael and the nature of the tides, told them that they had only four days in which safely to attack the Mount.2 The gate was forced, and the whole

1. Rot. Pat., 50. Randle styles himself duke of Brittany in a charter for the canons of Montmorel, issued at Saint-James (Round, Calendar, no. 786, p. 284). The date is uncertain, but must be between 1188 and 1204. The style 'duke of Brittany' was unusual at this period.

2. William the Breton, ed. Delaborde, i, 220-21; A. de la Borderie, Histoire de Bretagne, iii, 293.

place was destroyed by fire, in order that no time might be lost. Then apparently they left Pontorson on their right, seized Avranches, and, joining the French forces, which were securing the Bessin and Côtentin, they came to Philip at Caen.

Philip divided his army. Guy of Thouars was sent back together with the count of Boulogne, William des Barres and the mercenaries who had surrendered Falaise, to attack the castles upon the western frontier between Pontorson and Mortain. How these castles fell is unknown. But, during the next few months they were all lost, Pontorson, Saint-James, Vire, Tenchebrai, Mortain, Domfront and the whole country as far as Cherbourg and Barfleur.2 In the meanwhile Philip Augustus laid siege to Rouen.

By this time King John's half-hearted and irresolute preparations were useless. Whether he had seriously intended to return to Normandy or not, it is impossible to say, for the royal letters show quite clearly that, until Château Gaillard fell, he had not thought it necessary to move quickly. In January he received the consent of a council to a scutage,3 and, according to the annalist of Saint Edmund's, the earls and the barons promised to join him in a Norman campaign. Hugh, the archdeacon of Wells, who was in the royal confidence, was sent to Normandy at the end of the month, and towards the end of February stores, treasure, and a few men were despatched. The Master of the Temple in England also

1. William the Breton, i, 221.

2. Rigord, i, 160; Coggeshall, p. 145.

3. Wendover, i, 320.

4. Memorials of St. Edmund, ii, 12.

5

5. Compare Guillame le Maréchal (ii, 101-2, vv. 12941-3):

"E Hue de Welles ensemble.

Qui le seel le rei pourtout."

He was in John's constant service. Cf a reference to his roll, Rot. de Fin., 74.

6. Rot. Pat., 38; Rot. de Lib., 77, 81.

7. Rot. de Lib., 84-5.

crossed on the financial business of the king.1 But there was no alarm. On the very day that Château Gaillard fell orders were issued for the transport of beasts of chase, dogs, horses and falcons in preparation for the king's hunting when he should cross. Then the disastrous news must have come. The papal legate, still intent on peace, was in England, and a great council was held, probably at the end of March,3 at London. It was decided to send a strong embassy to Philip. The archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Norwich and Ely, Earl William the Marshal and the earl of Leicester were chosen; and they crossed with the legate on the 11th or 12th of April.* Shortly before, and no doubt as a result of the same council, the bishop of London was sent to the Emperor, 5 and steps were taken to secure the fidelity of those Rhenish barons who received pensions from the English exchequer. The idea seems to have prevailed in England that, if the negotiations did not succeed, Philip would attack Rouen. Hence little was done to avert the coming catastrophe. The seneschal was instructed to further, as far as possible, the concentration of stores at Rouen, and to assist the constable and barons in the victualling of their castles. Shortly before Easter two thousand marks were sent to him at Caen; and we read of a few Welsh mercenaries who were sent across. But still the king waited.

9

1. Ibid, 81; Rot. Pat., 38b; he is to attend to the instructions of Hugh of Wells.

2. Rot. de Lib., 82.

3. Gervase of Canterbury, ii, 95.

Coggeshall (p. 144) refers to a council as though it were held after mid-Lent (April 4) but John was at Westminster for several days at the end of March.

4. For the dates, see Rot. Pat., 40b. For the embassy, Gervase ii, 95; Coggeshall, p. 144; Guill. le Maréchal, iii, 176. Cf. below, p. 472. 5. Rot. Pat., 39b; Coggeshall, p. 147.

6. Rot. de Lib., 87.

7. Rot. Pat., 39b.

8. Rot. de Lib., 96.

9. Ibid, 85. Baldwin of Béthune, the count of Aumâle also seems to have gone over for a time (Rot. Pat., 41b).

3

The negotiations, as might have been expected, came to nothing. Philip was sure of victory. He demanded either Arthur (of whose death he was now becoming certain) or his sister Eleanor and all John's lands across the sea. 2 The bishops retired to Rouen, where they parted from the papal legate, and came back to England with the news of their failure. Philip proceeded to invade Normandy. Later, when after the fall of Caen the king was on his way to the Seine, the Marshal met him again at Lisieux and made an arrangement with him which is a sufficient commentary upon the prospects of John at the end of May. The Marshal surrendered his chief lands to Philip, and paid a large sum of money in return. for a respite of twelve months; if Normandy were lost during that time he would do homage to Philip for his Norman lands. 4

The symbol of defeat had been sent from Caen a few days before this meeting at Lisieux. Sometime during the third week in May the Norman records arrived at Shoreham. The Norman exchequer had ceased its work as the agent of an English king.

It is not difficult to imagine the state of men's minds in Rouen at the end of May. They had prepared for a great

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3. Gervase, ii, 96. According to the life of the Marshal, the envoys met Philip at Bec, but it is unlikely that he had been able to come so far north. The envoys probably met him on the southern frontier in April, during his preparations for the invasion.

4. Cart. Norm., no. 74, p. 14; Actes, no. 818, p. 186.

5. Rot. de Lib., 102-3, a letter from the king, who was at Worldhanı, May 21, 1204, to the Sheriff of Sussex: "Mandavimus ballivis de Soreham quod inveniant Petro de Leon clerico nostro carriagium et salvum conductum ad ducendos usque Londoniis rotulos et cartas nostras quas ipse nobis adduxit de Cadomo, unde tibi precipimus quod si ipsi non fecerint, tu id sine dilatione facias, et computetur tibi ad scaccarium."

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