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2. Probably the cellars under the courtyard, opening on to the fossé between the court and the castle proper. Both this fossé and the great fossés before and behind the triangular advance work had to be cut in the rock.

3. Cartage.

4. Lime workers.

5. Steel.

6. Tin.

7. Locks and bolts.

8. Plastering chimney pieces and floors.

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The rest of the money in the hands of the clerks was expended in pensions, the wages of soldiers, and at outlying places.

1. For the three wells, cut through the rock, see Coutil, p. 66.

2. The bridge at the south end of the new town over the main stream of the Gambon.

3. According to Stapleton and Coutil, not the bridge between the Isle and the island of Gardon, but between the Isle and the new town. 4. The bridge at the north end of the new town over the other stream of the Gambon: according to Stapleton, named after the mercenary Mercadier.

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5. Stapleton regards the pond as the same as the pool behind the new town. In this case the name Andeli was at once given to the new town, otherwise described as the 'villa de subtus Rokam.' This seems to me to be very unlikely it would mean that the new town was separated financially from the Isle and the rock, since the villa de Andele accounted separately at the Exchequer for the year 1197-8 (Rot. Scacc., ii, 449), whereas town and castle usually formed a single prepositura in Normandy. Again, it is unlikely that rents were collected at the new town as early as the autumn of 1197, although they would naturally be collected at the old town as soon as the agreement between the king and the archbishop of Rouen had been reached. I conclude, therefore, that the store pond in question was made above the old town.

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NOTE B. THE ACCOUNTS OF THE HONOUR OF EVREUX IN 1198, SHOWING THE PREPARATIONS FOR WAR (Rotuli Scaccarii Normanniae, ij, 462-464).

The following statement of accounts made by Richard of Argences in 1198 as farmer of the honour of Evreux, at this time in ducal hands, is an excellent illustration of the manner in which a castle and town were organised for defence. I have summarised and tabulated the entries. A. The farm, £560 Angevin, was spent as follows:

In customary alms and charges 1-
To the forester

In works at the castle and on the hedges
(haiae) of the forest, and in the repair
of tubs and casks

In the carriage of stores for the castle,
i.e., of wine, bacon, cheeses, salt,
from Rouen

To Robert Rossell, out of the prepositura
of Avrilli -

For 30 muids of wine kept in store in
the castle, out of the farm 2
In the execution of justice

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s. d. 235 15 10

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189 2 4

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550 9 03

1. These charges on revenue show that the farmers were carrying on an established financial system (cf. above p. 62). It should be noticed, however, that the payments to the religious houses and churches of Evreux do not correspond to the charges contained in Cart. Norm., no. 117, p. 21, which purports to be a list of elemosinae paid from Evreux

and Paci.

2. The vineyards are expressly mentioned as contained in the farm. 3. The discrepancy between this total and the farm of £560 is not noticed. Possibly some entries were accidentally omitted or wrongly transcribed.

B. The loan levied in the bailiwick of Evreux, £10 each from eight citizens, amounted to £80. It was

spent as follows:

In the wages of knights, men-at-arms

(servientes) and balistarii, by the

king's writ

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In the same, and in the wages of watch

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C. The tallage collected in the bailiwick for the maintenance of men-at-arms on the March, amounted to

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98 13 4

Surplus owing to Richard of Argences

D. The tallage collected in the bailiwick (here styled the Honour) for repairing the ditches of Evreux and palisading the walls of the castle,1 amounted to £190 2s. 6d. This sum was exactly expended for this purpose.

E. Receipts of Richard of Argences from the Norman government, which were intended for the equipment (munitio) of the castle. These were delivered to Thomas the Breton, who was in charge of the castle.2 The following stores are mentioned 3:

1. See above p. 300.

2. Cf. ii, 457. "In liberacione Thome Britonis se x milite missi apud Ebroicas xl. li.," from the proceeds of the loan raised in Pont-Audemer. 3. It seems clear, from entries on p. 413, that Richard of Argences bought some of the stores as part payment of his fine.

(a) 90 carcases of hogs (bacones), of which Thomas the Breton received 521. Richard of Argences owed £9 7s. 6d. for the remaining 37 (i.e., 5 shillings for each carcase).

(b) Grain: 4 measures (modii) of heavy grain, 15 of wheat, and, from Stephen Longchamp, 8 setiers sextarii) and 1 mina of pease. Richard owed the sum of £17 15s. for the grain which Thomas the Breton did not use. The details are given, and show that a measure of heavy grain, a measure of wheat, and a measure of pease were each reckoned at £3.1

(c) Wine: 15 tuns and 1 butt were received of Poitevin wine. Thomas the Breton had 10 tuns; the rest was spoiled. For the latter Richard of Argences owed £4 8s. (i.e., 16 shillings the tun). (d) Cheeses: 63 cheeses from England.

(e) Salt: half a peisa, and 2 summae.2

(f) Engines and ammunition: 12 dozen cords; cords to bind the mangonells; 7 slings for the petreriae; 8 balistae; 6,200 bolts or quarells; 4,000 arrows ad quarellos; 1 grindstone; 8 iron darts (esperduita); 7 spikes; 8 ironbound tubs; 1 handmill.

1. These prices were by no means normal. During this year the measure of wheat cost £9. 12s. Od. at Evreux (Rot. Scacc., ii, 462, 463, where this sum is paid instead of the customary alms of a measure of wheat). Either Richard of Argences is charged a wholesale price paid by the government, or this money is a kind of fine to cover waste. In no part of Normandy was the price of wheat so low as this in 1198. For prices, see Delisle, Etudes sur la condition de la classe agricole, pp. 591, 592; for the measures of grain, see p. 539 seqq., especially p. 544. The measure (muid) contained 12 setiers, and 24 mines: these latter contained a varying number of bushels.

2. The poise apparently contained 18 mines; and the somme about 4; Delisle, op. cit., pp. 568, 543.

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