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between those pleas which could be tried at Gaillon, and those which, involving a possible resort to the duel, had to go to Evreux; and, finally, he enumerated the items which composed the farm of the estate. All damages sustained by the woods of Gaillon during the period of tenure by the farmers were assessed at Evreux; and the count or his bailiff enforced judicially the payment of stated alms and grants.2

The next fact which becomes clear from a study of available evidence is that the castle, from a military no less than from a financial standpoint, was inseparable from the surrounding or dependent area. The castellaria or châtellenie comprised castle, lands, feudal duties and fiscal arrangements; it was an artificial bundle of property and services, designed for the maintenance of the fortress and the profit of the lord.5 Indeed, it is hardly paradoxical 1. This is in agreement with a general statement made by the justices of Normandy in 1155 in an assize held at Domfront (Delisle, Robert de Torigni, ii, 241).

2. "si firmarii de Gaillon non persolverent elemosinas suas assignatas et feoda, justiciabat eos comes ad persolvendum, vel baillivus suus." 3. e.g., Robert of Torigni, ed. Delisle, ii, 134: "Quidam constabularius domini regis Henrici, Osbernus de Hosa nomine, qui castrum Caesaris Burgi, cum patria que ad illud pertinet, custodiebat."

4. I have not seen this stated elsewhere so clearly as in the following letter from John to the constable of Rockingham, dated Reading, April 13th, 1216. (Rot. Pat., 176b.) "Precipimus tibi quod retentis in manu nostra ad castellariam Rokingham maneriis de Geytinton et de Clive et de Brikestok et de Corby et custodiis militum qui sunt de feodo Abbatis de Burgo et tenseriis pertinentibus ad predictam castellariam, omnia alia spectancia ad Vicecomitem Norhantonie et unde Vicecomes se intromittere solebat ante adventum tuum apud Rokingham, plenarie habere permittas dilecto et fideli nostro Rogero de Nevill Vicecomiti nostro Norhantonie."

5. It has been maintained by some writers that manorial monopolies in mills, ovens, etc., were due to an artificial organisation of this kind: the erection of a fortress involved the creation of monopolies. See C. Koehne's "Studien über die Entstehung Zwangs-und Bannrechte" in Lorraine during the ninth and tenth centuries, in the Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung, 1904, xxv, 172–191.

2

to say that it was easier to maintain a châtellenie without a castle than a castle without its châtellenie.1 The aim of warfare was the capture of castles and the control of the capital stock which they represented. In 1193 King Philip demanded as sureties for the payment of 20,000 marks of pure gold Troyes the four castles of Loches, Châtillon-surIndre, Drincourt and Arques. When in 1196 he recovered Nonancourt, his panegyrist refers to the success as the ' restoration of the castle to fiscal control.'s In both these cases occupation of the châtellenie is meant, for the possession of a stronghold without its sources of revenue was inconvenient and unprofitable. This fact is stated very vividly by the biographer of the Marshal. It will be remembered how, on the intervention of the papal legate, Richard and Philip agreed in January 1199 to a five years' truce, on the condition that Philip, while retaining during this period the Norman castles already in his possession, should surrender all claims to the control of the surrounding lands. The advantage which could be gained from this arrangement was pointed out to King Richard by the Marshal. Richard evidently felt that he had been first tricked into a truce by the legate, and then insulted by a demand for the release of the bishop of Beauvais. After his interview he shut himself up in his chamber 'choking with rage like a wounded boar.' Only the Marshal dared to approach him. He called to him loudly to open, and spoke to him thus: 'Why be annoyed at such a trifle; you should laugh rather, for you have gained all. The king of France wants peace. Leave him the castles until the next passage to the Holy Land, but keep the land which belongs to us. When he can get nothing from the land

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1. Torigni in 1203 (above, p. 272) may possibly be a case in point.

2. Above p. 149.

3. The king "in fisci castellum jura reducit" (Philippid., v. 119, ed. Delaborde, ii, 129).

4. Above p. 184.

and has to keep up the castles at his own cost,' he will find that he is carrying a heavier burden than a war. That is what will happen: I wager they will come back to-morrow."2 The Marshal's advice was taken. William le Queu, one of Richard's most trusted mercenaries, who was at this time castellan of Lions-la-Forêt,3 was given the task of harrying the French garrisons on the Epte, so that they could take nothing in the area subject to his command. His band did the work so well that the French in Baudemont did not dare even to carry water from the spring outside the castle. Meanwhile William le Queu, disregarding the garrison in Gisors, continued to collect the ordinary dues and rents from the Vexin."

Sufficient evidence remains to permit us to form a picture of the castellaria and of its economy. There are numerous references to castleguard as a form of military service,"

1. In 1193, it may be noticed, the Norman and Angevin exchequers were responsible for the payment of the garrisons in the four castles surrendered to Philip.

2. Guillaume le Maréchal, iii, 156.

3. Rot. Scacc., ii, 494; Howden, iv, 78.

4. The exchequer roll shows that William le Queu was farmer, and this story seems to show that he was bailiff. Another interesting fact is brought to light: evidently, after the loss of Gisors and the other castles on the Epte, the bailiwick of the Vexin, so far as was possible, found a new centre at Lions, or, as in 1195, at Château-Gaillard (above, p. 286-7). Gisors had never been a self-supporting centre. See above, p. 105.

5. Guillaume le Maréchal, iii, 157.

6. Red Book of the Exchequer, ii, 632: Roger of Pavilli owes four knights during a third part of the year ad custodiam de Lions; cf. pp. 634, 636, 637. In 1247 Alexander, called the Abbot, a knight of Tournai near Troarn, claimed to be quit of dues and other charges, pro quibus debet et tenetur ad stipendia propria custodire castellum de Wismes, i.e., Exmes. The exemption was enjoyed by his ancestors. (Querimoniae Normannorum, no. 545, in Historiens de France, xxiv, part i, p. 72.) For the duty in time of war, cf. the statement of the knight service owing to and by the Abbot of Mont-Saint-Michel, in 1172 (edited by Howlett, Chronicles of Stephen, etc., iv, 349 segg).

and in addition, among the numerous services which were required in the management of any large estate, may be found the duties of work on buildings and earthworks.1 The economy of the Poitevin honour of Chizé, which as described in the middle of the thirteenth century clearly goes back to the reign of Richard, is an excellent illustration of this complex of social and military relations. I have already referred to this document as evidence that the obligations of Henry II's assize of arms were observed in Poitou. It begins with a statement of the services owed by certain vassals of the honour. Peter Payen, for example, is a liegeman of the count, owes military and riding services (exercitus et equitatio) and is obliged to go to the defence of the count's castle in case of need. It is significant that the privileges enjoyed by these vassals in the lord's woods are particularly mentioned. No privileges were so jealously guarded by their owners or so carefully watched by the lords; and when the bailiffs of Philip Augustus began to press hardly upon the Normans after the French conquest, it is noteworthy that a large proportion of their encroachments are alleged to have been made upon customary rights enjoyed in the ducal forests. 5 After the statement of these services and rights our document gives a careful list of the furniture and armoury of the castle at Chizé, such as Philip Augustus ordered to be drawn up in his Norman castles. This is followed by a description of the parishes in the domain, of which twentyone are named. 7 Widows, we may note, are exempted

1. Delisle, Etudes sur la condition de la classe agricole, p. 83.

2. Above p. 34.

3. Etat du domaine du comte de Poitou a Chizé, edited by Bardonnet in the Archives historiques du Poitou, vii, 75.

4. See the very precise statement of customs in the châtellenies of Vernon and Paci in the Cartulaire Normand, nos. 199, 200, p. 30. 5. Querimoniae Normannorum, passim.

6. For Philip's stocktaking, see Cartulaire Normand, nos. 214, 215, pp. 33, 34.

7. Archives historiques du Poitou, vii, 79.

from tallage. The servientes feodati are of special interest for our purpose. Geoffrey Ribemont had the duties of finding wood for the hospice of the count in the castle, of serving the kitchen with water and of attending upon the knights of the count for the washing of hands. For each of his services he had definite payments in loaves and wine, and in the scraps from the kitchen, while in virtue of his service of water he was free of all the ordinary dues and obligations.2 Two fishermen and a farrier are mentioned. Peter Ostenc, the janitor of the town, was responsible for the keys, was paid in fixed dues on merchandise, and had as his perquisite the broken gates which could not be mended.3 There were also the man who found wood for utensils, the dog keeper, the huntsman and the man at the lazar house. The customary tenants in the bailiwick of Fosses owed cartage services, as they did in the reign of King Richard; wherever bullocks could go and draw the catapults and other great siege engines, they owed these services; moreover, when they were summoned it was their duty to carry palisading to the castle; and all these services, with the more general duties of riding and of service in the host and payment of tallage, they owed at their own cost. 5

Some such system as this must be imagined to have existed in the ducal castles of Normandy. In times of peace these great erections of wood and stone were busy with life. No piece of land was unused: up to the very walls everything that was not reserved for the duke's

1. Ibid., p. 80. "vidue, quam diu sint vidue, non talliabantur." 2. Ibid, p. 85, cf. 81.

3. In Normandy, as a rule, the porter of the castle was paid a wage. 4. Archives historiques du Poitou, vii, p. 97, "sicut fecerunt tempore regis Ricardi." A charter of Richard is quoted in the course of the inquiry, p. 123. It is probable that in Poitou, as in Normandy, the charters of John were invalid.

5. Ibid.

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