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been repaired or partially reconstructed. 1 After the outbreak of fresh hostilities many more castles, great and small, were strengthened; the walls of Eu were rebuilt at a cost of over 5,000 li;? above all, the rock of Les Andelys was crowned by Chateau-Gaillard. Well might the anonymous poet of Béthune say that the king of France suffered from the power and wealth of Richard. Then there was Richard's pride. 'The king of England was proud above all men, and did not deign to be obedient to his lord.' 3 And, on the other hand, Richard's hatred of Philip was such that during many years he is said to have refused to receive the sacrament, because he did not wish to forgive his enemy.*
Philip's success at Aumale was followed by another at Nonancourt. This important fortress on the Eure had been surrendered to Richard by Nicholas of Orphin, but was soon recovered by Philip and entrusted to Count Robert of Dreux. Nicholas, like Gilbert of Vascoeuil a few years earlier, was disgraced; but, unlike Gilbert, he later sought to recover himself in public opinion. He assumed the habit of a Templar and joined a holier warfare in the east.
The loss of Aumâle and Nonancourt was to some degree met by the successful attack made by Count John upon the Vexin. John captured Gamaches, a castle lying between
1. Rot. Scacc., i, 156, 245, etc. 2. Rot. Scacc., ii, 386.
3. Chronique française des rois de France par un anonyme de Béthune, ed. Delisle (Historiens de France, xxiv, part ii, 758), an interesting account of Richard's resources in feudal levies and mercenaries. Compare Coggeshall's description of Richard's power, p. 34.
4. Coggeshall, p. 96. Miss Norgate (ii, 386 note) observes that Richard took the sacrament at his coronation in 1194, and that therefore Coggeshall's story is not literally correct.
5. For Nonancourt and Nicholas, see Philippid, v, 112-119 (Delaborde, ii, 129). Cf. Howden, iv, 5; Rigord, i, 136.
Gisors and Les Andelys :1 the attack had doubtless been intended to cover the building operations which were now beginning to attract general attention at Rouen, Paris and Rome. The desultory conflict of this year was merged in a diplomatic struggle for the rock of Andeli. In this struggle Richard for the first and last time had to face serious opposition from the Church.
The quarrel between the kings of England and France was a very serious matter for the Norman clergy. On the whole the reign of Henry II had been peaceful, and what warfare had broken out was confined to certain persons or places; but now the resources of two great States were engaged in a life and death struggle. Moreover, success had hitherto been for the most part on the side of Philip; Normandy had suffered several invasions; the loss of property, and especially of ecclesiastical property, had been great. During the war the Church assumed a neutral position and fought for peace and compensation against both combatants. As the head of the Norman clergy the archbishop of Rouen, Walter of Coutances, was involved in one dispute after another; and, in spite of his many services to King Richard, found himself forced into a triangular conflict. He returned from Germany, where he had been confined as one of Richard's hostages, to find his church in disorder, and it is significant that, within a few days of his arrival in Normandy (1194), a year's truce was arranged.2 He next
1. Howden, iv, 5. The exchequer roll of 1198 shows that Richard paid a good deal of attention to the fortification of Gamaches. Cf. ii, 300. “Elye de Elemosina cccc li. ad operationes de Gamasches per breve Regis.” It is significant that Richard about this time attempted to recapture Gaillon, on the other side of the Seine. He was wounded during the siege (Philippid, v, 258–275 : Delaborde, ii, 135).
2. Diceto, ii, 115, “transitus in Normanniam tertio Kalendas Junii." See above p. 155. For the effect of the war, see the archbishop's letter to the dean of St. Paul's (Diceto, ii, 144). Cf. Richard's charter of compensation, Round, Calendar, p. 18, no. 67; Stapleton, Observations, II, xxi.
devoted himself to the restoration of ecclesiastical property. King Richard had avenged a grudge which he bore St. Martin's of Tours,' and King Philip had afflicted the province of Rouen. On November 11, the day dedicated to the patron saint of Tours, Richard restored the goods which he had confiscated;2 while Archbishop Walter tried to persuade Philip to do the same.3 But his independent action and the use of ecclesiastical weapons annoyed the kings and led them to form a curious alliance against him. They hit upon the plan of using the clergy as sureties for their public treaties, and thus of binding them to the maintenance of secular agreements which might or might not be in the interests of the Church. King Philip brought forward the archbishop of Tours and four of the chief abbots of the country; King Richard offered the archbishop of Rouen. Moreover, in order to bind the archbishop of Rouen, the treaty of Louviers (January 1196) comprised an elaborate arrangement with regard to the archiepiscopal manor of Andeli. Both kings desired to possess Andeli, which was now on the frontier of Normandy;5 neither would give way to the other; hence it was agreed that the
1. According to the Chronicon Turonense magnum (Salmon, Chroniques de Touraine, i, 144) Richard, on his return from Loches, June 11, 1194 ("in festo Beati Barnabae apostoli") expelled and dispersed the canons of St. Martin. Previously, according to Diceto (ii, 117), he had received a free gift of 2000 marks from the burgesses of Tours. We do not know whether Richard's attack extended further. It must be noticed that the archbishop of Tours, in spite of some earlier precedents, was emphatically a French prelate. Cf. Actes de Philippe Auguste, p. 29, no. 119.
2. Diceto, ii, 122.
4. Diceto, ii, 136; Cart. Norm., p. 278, no. 1058. That the arch. bishop of Tours was Philip's surety, is proved by a letter from Richard to the bishop of Evreux (Diceto, ii, 139). For the abbots, see below.
5. Besides the terms of the treaty, which represent a compromise, see Howden, iv, 3, 4. “Praeterea (at Louviers) rex Franciae petiit ad opus suum Andeli, manerium Rothomagensis archiepiscopi. Quod cum nulla ratione fieri posset," etc.
place should be put outside the dominium of either. Just as the eleven parishes which formed the deanery of Andeli were regarded as an ecclesia extravagans, subject to no spiritual jurisdiction other than that of the bishop, so the manor was to be neutral ground, subject to the archbishop or, during a vacancy in the archbishopric, to the chapter of Rouen;? and it was to remain unfortified. Yet, at the same time, the future conduct of the archbishop was to be the measure of his control of this demesne. Andeli was the main source of archiepiscopal wealth.3 If, in the future, he laid an interdict on, or excommunicated persons in the lands of Philip 4 or of Richard in his diocese, either king was to be at liberty to confiscate the revenues of Andeli, until a special tribunal of four deacons or priests, two to be elected by each king, had decided whether or not the interdict or excommunication were just. Archbishop Walter very properly refused to become surety for an arrangement which placed his ecclesiastical authority under the control of a semi-secular court.6 Refusing to take part in the conference, he retired to Cambrai; ? further, he took up again the wrongs of the inferior clergy and laid an interdict upon the lands of King Philip. Philip, in his turn, apparently seized Andeli. 8
1. Longnon, Pouillés de la province de Rouen (1903), p. xiv. 2. Cart. Norm., p. 277.
3. “patrimonium ecclesiae solum et unicum" (the archbishop of Rouen to the dean of St. Paul's, Diceto, ii, 148). See Miss Norgate, ii, 376.
4. i.e., the French Vexin; see Longnon, Pouillés de la province de Rouen, pp. xi, xii; English Historical Reriew, xxvii, 107. Howden says that at this time Philip sought to secure the fealty of Walter for archiepiscopal property in the French Vexin (iv, 4).
5. Cart. Norm., p. 277.
7. Diceto, ii, 137. A societas for mutual shelter was formed in this year between the chapters of Rouen and Cambrai. (Martène, Thesaurus, i, 663-4.)
8. See his letter to the archbishop; Diceto, ii, 139.
The quarrel was not ended till the middle of the year, after prolonged negotiations. The king of France seems to have thought that a reconciliation with the archbishop might be a useful move in the game against Richard; hence the archbishop was invited to France and was kindly received. The king of England found it expedient to make terms: the sureties on both sides were released from all obligations; the clergy were compensated; and the archbishop returned to his church triumphant. One of his last acts was to insist upon the restoration of their possessions to the four abbots of Marmoutier, Cluny, St. Denis and La Charité, which had been seized by Richard after the revival of hostilities between the two kings. The abbots had been the sureties of the French king; and by his action the archbishop maintained the independence of the clergy as a whole, and established the unity of the church of Rouen with the other churches of the west.
The incident had important effects upon the future of Andeli. The curious arrangement made in the treaty had obviously failed; yet the archbishop must have felt that his tenure could never be secure so long as the existing boundary between France and Normandy remained; and King Richard especially realised that if he did not seize the rock above the town, Philip would. Although it is not likely that he laid hands upon the manor before the war recommenced, he did not hesitate long. He first
1. I gather this from a comparison of Howden, iv, 4; and Walter's letter in Diceto, ii, 145. For the whole episode, see my paper, King Philip Augustus and the archbishop of Rouen in the English Historical Review (1912), xxvii, 106–116.
2. The narrative of Miss Norgate (ii, 377–81) is full and careful on the acquisition of Andeli. Howden gives a good summary (iv, 14, 16–19). The contemporary letters are in Diceto, ii, 148–58. Richard's charter of exchange is given from the original by Deville, Histoire du Château-Gaillard (Rouen, 1829), pp. 112-18. Its date is October 16th, 1197. Papal confirmation in Migne, ccxiv, 93; Potthast, no. 107. John's confirmation as king in Rot. Norm., 1, 2.