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to establish his authority in Touraine and Poitou. An Angevin contingent which had come to the relief of Verneuil, preceded him on its way homeward, and took Montmirail in its march.1 Richard's own campaign was especially directed against the count of Angoulême and Geoffrey of Rançon;? but he had injuries to avenge on the clergy of Tours and he could not leave the great fortress of Loches in French hands. Sancho of Navarre, who had also brought help to his brother-in-law, had besieged Loches in vain. Richard was more successful. Loches fell, and the way to Poitou lay open. Just at this time King Philip, fresh from a successful raid in Normandy, invaded Touraine in Richard's rear, and approached Vendôme. He had reached Lisle, 3 six or seven miles from Vendôme, when Richard arrived on the scene. The French king fell back on Fréteval, where he encamped. Richard encamped outside Vendôme, since the place had no walls.“ After some boastful parleying, Philip retreated before Richard's sudden approach, and the retreat became a flight. While William the Marshal kept together the rearguard, Richard pursued the French king. He had not yet seen Philip since they had parted from each other in the Holy Land; his mind must have been full of angry memories—the seduction of John, the loss of Gisors and Loches, the unendurable inaction of his captivity.
‘During the flight,' says Roger of Howden, 6 'the king 1. Annals of St. Aubin (MS. E) in Halphen, 27; Rad. Dic., i, 116–7. 2. For the relations between Geoffrey and King Philip, see Catalogue des Actes, no. 413; Cartellieri, iii, 75–6.
3. Howden (iii, 253, 255) should be interpreted by Rad. Dic. (ii, 117) at this point. Lisle is mentioned by the Annals of St. Aubin (Halphen, p. 26—Insula Jeremie). The identification of Insula Jeremie with Lisle is made by R. de Saint-Venant, Nouveaux aperçus sur le combat de Fréteval (Vendôme, 1905). Compare Diceto's prope
Vindocinum. 4. Richard had destroyed Vendôme six years before. See Annals of Vendôme, in Halphen, p. 74. 5. Guill. le Maréchal, iii, 140–1. 6. Howden, iii, 256.
of France drew apart from the crowd and entered a church at some distance from the straight road in order to hear mass.
The king of England did not know that he had hid himself; he came up breathing out threats and slaughter against the men of the king of France, and sought for him that he might slay him or take him alive. A Fleming told him that the king was far ahead, and so the king of England was deceived and advanced on a swift horse beyond the border, and when his horse failed him, Mercadier, the leader of the Brabançons, brought him another horse. So the king of England returned to Vendôme, not having found the king of France, with great booty of men and horses, and much money.'
The royal treasury and chapel—the machinery of State as well as the engines of war, and the rich stuffs and vessels of the tents were captured. Richard gained a large addition to his fortune and the means of acquiring more; for Philip had carried about with him the bonds of those subjects of Richard who had joined or had promised to join Count John and himself.1
Within three weeks Richard subdued Poitou and reduced the count of Angoulême and Geoffrey of Rançon. He then returned to Normandy.
Even during these two months of triumphant war, a strong peace party had asserted itself in Normandy. The Normans under Count John, the earl of Arundel and Earl David of Huntingdon, had not been very successful during Richard's absence. In June, while Richard was in Touraine, Philip had made another raid in the direction of Rouen, and the earl of Leicester had been captured during a counter raid in the district of Gournai. The
1. Howden, iii, 256; Guill. le Maréchal, iii, 141. It is possibly through the accident of this capture that Richard was able to reap such a harvest in fines and forfeitures, and that the escheats and terrae traditae of the next exchequer roll (1195) are so numerous.
2. See Richard's letter of July 22nd in Howden, iii, 256. For details, see Richard, Les Comtes de Poitou, ii, 292–3; Cartellieri, iii, 96.
archbishop of Rouen, on his return from Germany found the estates of the church in confusion owing to the war, and was eager for a truce. After two attempts he succeeded, with the seneschal and constable, in arranging the terms of a year's truce. Richard, however, refused to regard the truce as binding upon the barons of PoitouNormans, he said, could not bind Poitevins—and the arrangement broke down; moreover he had captured Loches and was in no mood to cease operations. After the fight at Fréteval, and during Richard's absence in Aquitaine, negotiations began once more. Count John and his colleagues had failed in an attempt to besiege Vaudreuil;3 and a truce, to last until All Saints' Day in 1195 was made on July 23rd, 1194. The truce was unwelcome to Richard. He had just concluded his castigation of the Poitevin and Aquitanian barons, and was now free to attack Philip in force. Outside official circles, the Normans themselves were not ready for peace,
, so that hostilities of an informal kind continued.4 But the truce was observed officially, with one brief interval in the summer of 1195, and was succeeded by a definite peace in January 1196. The treaty then made at
1. June 17th, 1194 (Howden, iii, 254–5). The terms included the surrender of church property captured during the war. The archbishop had been in Normandy for about a fortnight (Diceto, ii, 115).
2. Howden, iii, 253, 255. 3. The exercitus de T'uebuef et de Walle Rodolii is mentioned in the Exchequer roll of 1195 (Rot. Scacc., i, 171). Tuboeuf is on the Itun, and the fact that troops met there seems to show that the roads from Verneuil, Chennebrun and L'Aigle here crossed the road along the Itun from Breteuil to Bonmoulins.
4. Howden, iii, 276, 278. Cf. Round, Feudal England, 548–9. It was on account of this truce that Richard deprived Longchamp of the great seal and entrusted it to Eustace, dean of Salisbury, who became chancellor and bishop on Longchamp's death in 1197 (Ann. Mon., i, 23). Eustace appears as vice-chancellor in a charter of March 24th, 1195 (Cart. Norm., No. 556 note), and is mentioned as such by Howden, iv, 12, 21. See English Historical Review, xxiii, 226 and notes.
Louviers was designed to mark the end of the war; in reality the conclusion of the long negotiations seems to have exhausted the desire for rest. King Richard gathered allies in Flanders and the Rhineland, built his famous castle at Andeli, and began a systematic attack upon his enemy, which continued until his death in 1199.
We have now, therefore, to consider the character of the negotiations which ended in January 1196, and to follow the course of the subsequent war.
An influence was asserted during the summer of 1194 which grew more intense in the following years. This was the influence of the Church. From the point of view of the pope, the contest for Normandy was a wicked and tiresome obstacle to his wider plans; it harassed the local clergy, stood in the way of the relief required by the Spaniards and Portuguese in their struggle with the Saracens 1 and prevented a new crusade. Moreover, the rivalry of Richard and Philip Augustus indirectly increased the difficulties which the pope had to face in Italy. The projects of the emperor Henry VI were becoming clear in Sicily and Naples; and just when the Pope required allies in the north of Europe, King Richard not only absorbed the attention of the king of France, the natural ally of the papacy, but also maintained a friendly understanding with the emperor himself. Such was the situation, at all events, before the election of Innocent III to the papal chair, and the election of Otto of Brunswick as king of the Romans.
The truce arranged on 23 July 1194 between Verneuil and Tillières was largely due to the persuasions of the Papal legate, Melior, cardinal priest of SS. John and
1. Howden gives the Moorish invasion as a reason for the renewal of negotiations in July 1195 (iii, 302).
Paul.1 Richard did not like the truce, and liked it still less as the work of ecclesiastics. Richard was in some ways a religious man. He loved the daily offices and order of the Church. During the months of inaction which followed the energy of June and July he spent much of his time in the direction of religious endowments and in religious exercises. An attack of sickness and a warning hermit recalled him from a lapse into immorality; he restored the holy vessels which had been taken from the Church for his ransom, did acts of penance, and reconciled himself to Queen Berengaria.2 But the king had no place for the Church in politics; his was the piety of the new chivalry to which he belonged; and he pursued a political enemy with greater zeal if, like the bishop of Beauvais, he were an ecclesiastic. He was an Angevin, well used to the grim jest about his Satanic origin; in the confidence of his great strength he liked to terrify the weak and unarmed if they dared to oppose his physical might with authority of another kind. He never mocked, like John, at the services of the Church; he never tortured the clergy; but he would never have surrendered his kingdom to the pope. He suspected that Philip-physically timid, equally attracted by the supernatural, but cleverer than himself—was in league with the powers of the Church against him; and the suspicion maddened him. Hence, in the last years of his life, in spite of the energy of his attack and the subtlety of his combinations, Richard is an isolated figure. He becomes more and more Titanic, always vigorous and hopeful, but increasingly impulsive, increasingly a victim of chance. He, the greatest of the Crusaders, was struck down in the hot warfare of Aquitaine, and his allies went forward to conquer the
1. In a letter of the French commissioners, Philip is said to have granted a truce "ad preces cardinalis et abbatis Cisterciensis” (Howden, iii, 257). Melior had accompanied Berengaria and the young princess of Cyprus from Italy to Marseilles (7bid, iii, 228).
2. Howden, iii, 288–90 (April, 1195).