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of England. Denmark was at this period feeling the full influence of French manners, art and scholarship. Indeed the hatred with which the ordinary Anglo-Norman viewed the growth of French fashions is some measure of their influence in those lands where political and religious forces combined to welcome them. Hence, when Philip Augustus offered himself as the husband of Ingeborg, the daughter of King Cnut VI, the prospect of a closer alliance was found too attractive at the Danish court to be resisted. At first, however, there was considerable hesitation. Philip asked for the transference to himself of Cnut's claims to the English throne and for the use of the Danish fleet and army for one year. The genealogies of Danish kings became an object of political excitement at the French court, and Philip aspired to invade England as the successor of the great Cnut. But the Danish nobles wished to have an ally against their German neighbours, not an ally who would rob them of what defence they actually possessed. Philip therefore consented to receive a large dowry of 10,000 marks of silver, and King Cnut hesitatingly agreed. William, abbot of St. Thomas of the Paraclete, was the chief agent in overcoming his scruples. 'My lord king,' he wrote, 'no small honour is offered to your grace. A word in your ear: if you are bound by friendship to the king of France, you need fear German greed no more.' 2 Philip took the money in August and repudiated the wife in November, and Saint William-for the abbot was afterwards canonised-had to turn his energy to the task of vindicating the rights of the poor princess. As is well known, the repudiation of Ingeborg involved Philip in the inconveniences and expense of a long

1. A small literature has been dedicated to Ingeborg. For the chief authorities, see Lavisse, Histoire de France, III, i, 144; and Cartellieri, iii passim.

2. Historiens de France, xix, 310-11. The other chief authority is William of Newburgh, who, though he confuses the dates seems to have special information: pp. 368-70.

quarrel with Rome. The ill-considered marriage brought another evil upon him. He had overestimated his influence at the imperial court, and his meddling in the intricacies of German and Danish politics strengthened in all probability the alliance between the emperor and King Richard. At first apparently he tried to cover his mistake by planning a marriage with the emperor's niece, Agnes, the daughter of the Count Palatine.2 But the lady's mother, naturally anxious for her daughter's happiness, and influenced by political views which did not harmonise with those of the king of France, married her in haste and secrecy to Henry of Brunswick.3 Philip had to surrender. He was able to delay the release of his enemy until February 4th, 1194. After that date he had to look to his own.

Richard, on the other hand, had attained a position of great influence in Germany. From the first he had been supported by the malcontent nobility of the empire. Resistance to Henry VI had come to a head after the murder of Bishop Albert of Liège (24 Nov. 1192), in which the emperor was suspected by many persons to have been an accomplice. The anxieties and uncertainties which, up to the very last, preceded Richard's release and which were renewed during his homeward journey;5 the 1. Cf. Scheffer-Boichorst in Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, viii, 493.

2. William of Newburgh, 384-6; Mon. Germ. Scriptores, xvi, 227 (Annales Stederburgenses).

3. Henry of Brunswick was son of Henry the Lion, and nephew of Richard.

4. For Richard in Germany, see Howden, iii, 195-9, 208-20 passim. On the whole there is no reason to doubt the suggestion of Howden (p. 214) borne out by the disappointment of Baldwin of Hainault and Flanders (see Gilbert of Mons, who reflects Flemish feeling, Mon. Germ. Scriptores, xxi, 583-5) that the emperor thought of coming to terms with Philip of France, but was not unwilling to be forced to treat with the German rebels upon whom Richard relied. For the bishop of Liège, see Smets, pp. 59-63; Cartellieri, iii, 49. 5. Howden, iii, 232; William of Newburgh, p. 385.

continuous stream of ecclesiastics and barons, astonishing the Germans by their multitude,1 who passed from England and Normandy to visit the captive; the traditional share which his family had taken in imperial politics; all these things invested him with the prestige of an imperial statesman engaged in a great contest rather than with the forlorn dignity of a suppliant. This position was evident to the world after the emperor had been dissuaded from breaking the early arrangements with Richard and from meeting the king of France in June 1193.2 Richard began to play the part of a peacemaker, and great nobles of all shades of opinion co-operated to procure his release in the following February.3 In the treaty of June 29th he had arranged to marry the sister of Arthur of Brittany to the son of his captor, the duke of Austria. It seems probable that in the general settlement Richard even consented to desert the old Henry the Lion.5 Peace was as welcome to the emperor as to Richard. He was now free for a time to pursue his Italian policy. Moreover, it was essential, if Richard's ransom was to come through from England in safety, that the commercial route through Brabant should be kept open, and that the powerful duke of Brabant, the brother of the murdered bishop, and the soul of the recent opposition, should be placated. Hence the duke, in exchange for his hopes of the imperial throne, was allowed to follow up his ambition in the valley of the lower Rhine.

1. Rad. Dic., ii, 110.

2. Howden, iii, 209-12, 215. Henry and Philip had arranged to meet on June 25th. The final treaty for Richard's release was made June 29th. 3. Howden, iii, 232; William of Newburgh, p. 403.

4. Infra septem menses (Howden, iii, 216). See below p. 165.

5. The arrangement about Henry the Lion is obscure. Howden, iii, 215 seqq; Cartellieri, iii, 53-4. I have not thought it relevant to refer to the early arrangement between Henry VI and Richard by which Richard did homage for his lands, and was promised Arles. The latest discussion of this problem is in Cartellieri, iii, 40-41.

6. Gilbert of Mons (Mon. Germ. Scriptores, xxi, 585).

Thus instead of seeing themselves at the head of a German party, Philip Augustus and the new count of Flanders were faced by a great confederation of the princes in north Germany. On his way back to England, Richard knit together that system of alliances which was not finally broken till Philip Augustus won his great victory at Bouvines in 1214. The duke of Brabant, the count of Holland, and several of their neighbours did homage to the king of England in return for annual pensions, and promised their aid against Philip. The archbishops of Mainz and Köln and the new bishop of Liège, the Elector Palatine, Conrad of Swabia the emperor's brother, even the duke of Austria and Boniface of Montferrat were among Richard's pensioners. The merchants of Köln, that centre of unrest, were his political and commercial allies.2

Between this powerful group and Philip, Baldwin of Flanders had to make a choice, and he decided that the dukes of Normandy and Brabant were more dangerous enemies than the king of France. The desire to resume the interrupted trade between England and Flanders, and the chance of recovering his daughter's dowry doubtless weighed with him. He allowed his young son, the future emperor of Constantinople, who was one of Richard's admirers, to become also one of his vassals and pensioners.3 Richard lingered for some time on the Flemish coast, and was not molested. Before the middle of 1195 Flanders and Brabant had made peace with each other, and the way was open for a renewal of the old relations between Flanders and Normandy.

It is true that Richard's Rhenish allies gave him little help. He, as usual, did not keep his promises,' says

1. Howden, iii, 234. Conrad of Montferrat was receiving his pension ("de feudo suo ") in 1198 (Rot. Scacc .Norm., ii, 301).

2. Stubbs's note in Howden, iii, 235.

3. Howden, iii, 234; Smets, pp. 67-70.

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Gilbert of Mons drily, and they were not in the habit of keeping theirs.' But the king of England had gained his end, just as Edward III did nearly one hundred and fifty years later. He had destroyed Philip's plans in the north-east of France, and had prevented an alliance, to his own hurt, between Philip and the emperor.

1. Mon. Germ. Scriptores, xxi, 583.

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