Page images
PDF
EPUB
[blocks in formation]

logy, and with this want are commonly associated a certain deficiency in the finer humanities, and a faith in unseen laws as above will and energy. The Briton propitiated his gods with the blood of men, and consulted the quivering entrails to know his destiny.' He believed that his life was swayed by the astral influences that presided at his birth. His bursts of courage were succeeded by sudden despondency, and with the death of his chief, Boadicea or Arthur, he accepted the suggestion that the stars of heaven fought against him, and quailed before a higher enemy than man.

2

'Cæsar, De Bell. Gall., lib. vi. c. 16. Tacitus, Annales, lib. xiv. c. 30.

2

See note 1, p. 80.

CHAPTER II.

THE ROMAN CONQUEST.

CESAR'S SUDDEN INVASION OF BRITAIN. SECOND INVASION. BRITISH INDEPENDENCE AND CYMBELINE. THE CLAUDIAN CONQUEST. CARACTACUS. THE REVOLT OF BOADICEA. WARS AND PUBLIC POLICY OF AGRICOLA.

[ocr errors]

SEVERUS.

ESAR'S sudden invasion of Britain, in the autumn of A. c. 55, must be ascribed to mixed motives. The romance of a brilliant adventure was probably the chief of these; but the desire to complete the subjugation of Gaul, by punishing a people who had aided the Veneti in their struggle for liberty, would have reasonable weight with a statesman and general. In the absence of all precise information he may, to some extent, have been misled by legends of Phoenician and Carthaginian trade, in years gone by, with the tin producing islands.' Yet, in fact, the commerce of the country was already in the hands of one who commanded the ports of Gaul. Either from real ignorance, or from reluctance to assist the Romans against kinsmen and allies, or from the inability of uncivilized men to put their practical knowledge into a clear shape, the merchants whom Cæsar assembled gave him no information that he could use of the extent of Britain, or of

'Cicero's expression seems to imply this, "Etiam illud jam cognitum est neque argenti scripulum esse

ullum in illâ insulâ neque ullam spem prædæ." Cicero, Ad Atticum, iv. 16.

CÆSAR'S FIRST INVASION.

23

the number of its tribes, or of the capacity of its harbours. The report of Caius Volusenus, who was sent to explore the coast and take soundings, was imperfect, as he did not dare to go on shore; yet he discovered that there were practicable landing-places.

As the report of Cæsar's designs was spread over Britain by merchants, some of the tribes sent embassies to assure him of their submission, and in all likelihood to invoke his aid against Cassibelaun, king of the Catvellans, who was waging unintermittent war with his neighbours. Cæsar encouraged them with lavish promises, and sent back Commius, the Atrebate, with them, a Gallic ally, who was known to have great influence in Britain, probably among its Belgic clans. Meanwhile the Roman general continued his preparations for a campaign. A force of two legions was collected at Wissant (Portus Itius), then a commodious harbour. When, however, Cæsar and his fleet appeared (10 A.M. August 27, A.c. 55) in the bay of Dover, they found the cliffs bristling with armed men, and it was thought most prudent to drop round with the next tide to Deal. Even here it was not easy to land, for the natives rushed into the sea to meet their enemy, and fought hand to hand with them in the water. The warships were brought up, and poured in their artillery on the British flank. Still the legionaries wavered till a standard bearer leaped into the sea with the eagle in his hand to rally them; and a general rush decided the victory. The natives were dismayed for the moment by this repulse. They released Commius, who had been imprisoned when he first landed on his diplomatic mission, and gave hostages in proof of their pacific intentions. Accident inspired them with new courage. Accustomed to the tideless waters of the Mediterranean,

24

DEFEAT OF THE BRITONS.

the Romans had neglected proper precautions with their ships. The war-galleys, which had been beached, were filled with water by the swell of a spring-tide, and the transports, which rode at anchor, were dashed about and shattered, while the cavalry transports, which had set out later from Gaul, were driven out of their course and forced to put back. The Britons resolved to break the truce, and ceased to complete the number of hostages. Presently, while the seventh legion, which had been detached for forage, was reaping corn, it found itself surrounded by a cloud of enemies. The British mode of fighting from chariots disconcerted the Roman soldiers, and though Cæsar brought up reinforcements in time to save them from utter destruction,' he did not think it prudent to molest the enemy. But when the Britons, encouraged by this success, collected their forces and attacked the Romans in their entrenchments, they broke upon the steady line of veterans, and finally fled before a flank charge of only thirty horse. They now sued for peace, and obtained it on easy terms. They were ordered to double the number of hostages, and to send them to the continent, whither Cæsar now hastened to return, lest the autumn gales should endanger his shattered fleet. It is evident that the expedition had nearly been ruinous, and was practically a failure. The Morini of Gaul' esteemed it so, and attacked a portion of his troops when they disembarked at a distance from the main body. Only two British districts sent the hostages that they had promised. It was currently said in Rome

'Cæsar says, "Nostri se ex timore receperunt." Comm. lib. iv. c. 32. But Dio Cassius says that the Britons killed all who were foraging but a few. Lib. xxxix. sect. 53, M. B.,) 3., p. ii. Dio says that the Britons after

their first defeat employed some of the Morini who were among them to mediate peace for them. Probably there was constant communication between the two shores. Lib. xxxix. sect 52, M. B., p. ii.

CÆSAR'S SECOND INVASION.

25

that he had fled before the new barbarians. He himself was conscious of having failed, and prepared for a new expedition. Only the Senate, perhaps attracted by this discovery of a new world, estimated the attempt. by its boldness rather than by its success, and ordered a thanksgiving of twenty days.

In the early summer of the next year Cæsar again sailed from the little port of Wissant, taking with him

2

this time the comparatively enormous army of five legions and two thousand horse. The natives knew of his coming, and were prepared to resist; but the sight of the 800 ships which, transports and private skiffs included, made up the Roman fleet, disheartened them, and they withdrew into the woods. Cæsar again landed at Deal," and, warned by a storm to guard against last year's disas

1 Lucan, lib. ii. v. 571.

That the Portus Itius is Wissant, a small place between C. Grisnez and Calais, seems proved by several considerations, viz. that the traces of a Roman road and camp are still to be found there; that its distance from the English coast (Deal) agrees pretty well with the estimate of twenty-seven miles given by Cæsar, whereas Boulogne is thirtytwo miles distant; that Wissant was a frequented port in the sixth century, whereas Calais was not used till the thirteenth. The fact that the harbour of Wissant has been filled up with sand proves nothing against its ancient importance, especially at a time when ships drew comparatively little water. De Sauley, Campagnes de Jules César, pp. 170184. Long's Cæsar, pp. 274-285.

3 That Cæsar landed both times at or near Deal, not in the direction of Hythe or Pevensey, as has lately been argued, seems established con

clusively by the independent arguments of Dr. Cardwell, Mr. Long, and M. de Saulcy. The difficulty had been that by the tide-tables it would seem that on the day of Cæsar's first landing his transports would be carried west and not east. But it appears that the law of the mid-channel is not applicable to the tide along the shore, and that the transports would therefore, on the day in question, have gone eastward with the tide. This agrees with all other circumstances of the description; with the fact that the horse transports were driven out of sight to the south and west in the first campaign; and with the distance of the river (Stour) from his encampment in the second. Dr. Cardwell, on the Landing-place of Julius Cæsar, Archæologia Cantiana, vol. iii. De Sauley, Campagnes de Jules César, pp. 188-203, &c. Long's Cæsar, pp. 280-284.

« PreviousContinue »