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Banneret by the Duke of Gloucester in Scotland1; but he only enjoyed this honour for seven weeks, dying-perhaps from wounds received at the siege-on September 14th, after making a nuncupative will on the 11th. He was married at the age of 12 to his cousin, Margaret Strickland of Sizergh3; but, having no issue, was succeeded in the estates by his brother Edward, then aged 27.*

5

On the death of Edward Redman in 1510 the ownership of Harewood was in dispute between his grand-daughter Joan (only child of Henry his elder son who predeceased him), and Richard his younger son Eventually, after much litigation, Richard established his claim to Harewood as heir male under his marriage settlement, the Caley estate near Otley passing as her share to Joan, who was given in marriage to Marmaduke Gascoigne fourth son of Gawthorpe.

Richard Redman the successful litigant was twice married: first to Elizabeth Gascoigne of Gawthorpe, relict of Robert Ryther who died without issue; and secondly to Dorothy Layton of Dalemain, by whom he had a large family. This Richard was in the retinue of Cardinal Wolsey, and during his absence in 1528, in London and beyond seas, in attendance on his Grace, his nephew Marmaduke Gascoigne endeavoured to seize some of his land at Pool, yet without success." This early training probably inclined Redman to sympathy with the rebels in the Pilgrimage of Grace. He was captured by the "Commons," as they styled themselves, while hunting in Sizergh Park and made to take their oath. For this however he managed to obtain pardon and was one of those suspected sympathisers whom the Duke of Norfolk, with refined cruelty, selected to serve on the Grand Jury which tried the leaders of the movement. Sir Richard died in 1544 and was succeeded by Matthew his eldest son, a youth of 17 whose wardship was committed to Sir Anthony Browne."

Of Matthew, the last Redman to own this castle, we have but little to say. He has been unduly blamed for a supposed extravagance which compelled him to part with his estates; yet we must remember that service in the retinue of a cardinal and indulgence in sympathy with rebels were not inexpensive amusements; and that these estates probably came to Matthew

1 Medcalfe's Book of Knights, p. 6.

2 York Registry, vol. v, p. 43.

3 Chancery Ing. p. m., 22 Edw. IV, No. 58.

4 Ibid.

5 Coram Rege Roll, 1011, m. 3. Star Chamber Proceedings, Hen. VIII, Bla. 27, No. 108.

7 Chancery Inq. p. m., 36 Hen. VIII, No. 62.

heavily burdened with debt. In 1574, having no children, he and his next brother William conveyed all their interests in this estate to James Ryther and William Plumpton, Esquires. It seems probable (the documents have not been closely examined) that Matthew retained a life interest in the premises, but he did not long survive. His widow Bridget Gascoigne of Gawthorpe was married at Otley in 1586 to her own and her late husband's cousin, William Gascoigne of Caley, by whom she had issue.

Of the Ryther family-the owners of the other moiety of Harewood-it is perhaps enough to say that their portion descended in the male line until the death of Henry Ryther in 1544. It then passed to his cousin William Ryther, who probably inherited but a fragment of the original estate. By marriage with one of the daughters of William Atherton, James son of this William Ryther seems to have regained much that was lost and to have added part of the old Redman lands. James died in 1596 and the end came four years later, at Easter, 1600, when young Robert Ryther and his sisters and all others (fourteen in number) having an interest in the castle and manor of Harewood joined in a conveyance of the estate to Robert Chamberlain, John Gregory and Henry Atkinson, Esquires, with a warranty against any claim on behalf of the Redman and Ryther families.2

Thus, after an ownership extending over five centuries, the descendants of Robert de Romelli ceased to be Lords of Harewood.

1 Yorkshire Fines, ii, p. 62. (Yorks. Arch. Society's Record Series, vol. v.)

2 Ibid., iv, p. 145. (Yorks. Arch. Society's Record Series, vol. viii.)

HOWDEN CHURCH.

SOME NOTES ON ITS ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY.

BY JOHN BILSON, F.S.A.

THE architectural history of the church is the subject of a paper read by the Rev. J. L. Petit at the Hull meeting of the Royal Archæological Institute in 1867, and printed in the Archæological Journal, xxv, 179. As some of Mr. Petit's views on the order in which the different parts of the church were built appear to me to be untenable, and as his paper has been extensively used in subsequent accounts of the church, it may be worth while to print here a summary of the conclusions which I presented to the Royal Archæological Institute in 1903, and repeated at the recent excursion of our Society. These notes, however, will be confined to the fabric itself, and make no pretension to be an adequate description of the church.

On the outside of the transept and nave, especially on the north side, many large gritstones have been reused. Comparison with similar masonry at Skipwith, Hemingbrough, and Laughtonen-le-Morthen suggests that these gritstones probably formed part of the pre-Conquest church of Howden. There are some fragments of twelfth-century work in the garden of the vicarage, and some of the corbels to the eaves on the east side of the north transept seem to be of twelfth-century date.

The earliest work in situ, however, is the transept and crossing, and the question arises-what was the eastern arm to which this work was attached. An entry in the Chronicle of Lanercost,1 under the year 1272, is important in this connection. It records the death about this time of a canon of Howden named John, who at his own cost began the new choir of the church. What was left over he predicted that he would finish after death, and we see it clearer than daylight. For being buried in a stately tomb in the middle of the choir itself, he is held for a saint, and from the offerings of the thronging people we see not only the choir, but a spacious and elaborate nave in course of completion (non tantum chorum sed navem ecclesiæ latam videmus compleri et operosam). This record receives

1 Chronicon de Lanercost (Edinburgh, 1839), p. 93.

some confirmation from the ordinance of 1265,1 when the church was made collegiate, where it is ordained that the value of certain buildings shall be converted to the fabric of the choir. It is obvious that there can be no question here of the present choir, nothing of which can be placed within the thirteenth century. The western respond piers of the choir arcades (on the east side of the eastern piers of the crossing) have, however, been raised when the arcades were built, and the original capitals remain at a lower level than those which actually receive the arches. These original capitals of the choir responds have the same profile as those of the respond piers of the arcades on the east side of the transept, attached to the crossing piers on each side, and they differ slightly from the profiles of the other capitals of the transept arcades. The plan of the respond piers, too, repeats that of the piers of the transept arcades. The original capitals are at a lower level than those of the transept arcades, which would scarcely have been the case if these earlier respond piers had belonged to an aisled choir. Evidently they belonged to arches opening from the transept aisles into an unaisled choir, the roof-line of which is indicated by the lower of the two weather-moulds on the east face of the tower, and is a little lower than the roofs of the transept.

The conclusion from the above is that, when the rebuilding of the church was begun, at a date which must be placed somewhere near the middle of the thirteenth century, it was planned with a transept with an aisle of three bays on the east side of each arm, a crossing for a central tower, and a short unaisled choir; and that it was this choir which was built by canon John, and in which he was buried.

The transept aisles, each of which formed three chapels, were both altered in later times. The windows of the north and south gables are of the simplest early type of geometrical tracery; the transoms are later insertions. The transept has no clearstory.

The extent westward of this first section of the rebuilding is marked near the east end of the aisle walls of the nave by a break in the masonry, and by a change in the section of the string below the aisle windows. This first section included the lower part of the crossing, and, although the pier plans of the transept and nave are the same, there is a differ

1 History and Antiquities of the County Palatine of Durham, by W. Hutchinson (1794), iii, 451. The Institution of the

Prebendal Church at Howden, by W.
Brown, p. 170 infra.

2 E. Sharpe, Decorated Window Tracery in England (1849), pl. 14 and pl. C, 14.

ence in their capitals which should be noted. The capitals to the arcades on the east side of the transept, to all four crossing piers, to the arches from the transept to the aisles of the nave, and to the eastern respond piers of the nave arcades, have octagonal abaci, but all the mouldings below the abaci are circular on plan. To all the other piers of the nave arcades, all the mouldings of the capitals are octagonal. It is certain that, when this first section was built, the intention was to build a nave different in some respects from that which was actually built. The arches from the transept to the aisles of the nave are at the same height as those of the arcades on the east side of the transept, and the corbel-table of the eaves on the west side of the transept shows below the roof of the nave aisles. Evidently it was intended that the aisles of the nave should be lower than they actually are. On the west face of the crossing, a weather-moulding indicates a roof-line of the same height as the existing roofs of the transept, and the crossing arches are designed to suit this lower roof. Evidently, therefore, the first intention was to build a nave without a clearstory, as in the transept. It has been suggested that such a nave was actually built, but this idea is decisively contradicted by the regular progression of design from transept to nave, and the work clearly progressed continuously, without any definite interruption or alteration.

The windows of the aisles of the nave illustrate the progression of geometrical tracery. The easternmost window of each. aisle has tracery which is still of the simple early type, with the foliations bounded by circles. Westward the tracery patterns alternate. In the second, fourth, and sixth (from the east), there are three pointed trefoils, without any circle or bounding line, the foils forming the main lines of the tracery. In the third and fifth, the tracery is of what has been called the 'intersecting' type, and the spaces formed by the main intersecting lines are filled with pointed trefoils, and with quatrefoils not bounded by circles; these latter also occur in the simple two-light clearstory windows. Pointed trefoils and quatrefoils occur in the great west window of the nave, the transoms of which are later insertions. The west windows of the aisles already show the beginnings of the curve of contra-flexure.3 The jamb moulding of the aisle windows, both outside and inside, changes after the second window (from the east) on each.

1 E. Sharpe, Decorated Window Tracery in England, pp. 48 and 82.

VOL. XXII.

2 Ibid, pl. 27, and p. 42.
3 Ibid, pl. 20 and pl. C, 20.

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