The modest spot in a country town, where Mangin lived, organized with LeClerc and others the earliest church within France of the "Reformed Religion," and opposite which these two, with twelve companions, endured a horrible death, such a place will be striking perchance to the ignorant and the curious, will probably be touching to Huguenots and to Meldenses, and must certainly interest any native of that country, or any visitor, who reflects on the movement of the sixteenth century, and on the large share which the "Grand Marché" of Meaux had in it.

NOTE 94:

'Il ne laissa pas que d'auoir peur ainsy qu'il l'auoua après.”

NOTE 95:

In Carro's" Histoire de Meaux" are given both a plan, and two views, of the Château, as at different dates, along with a full account of it. (See that work, pp. 81, etc.) The Château, several times altered, was interesting both for its ancient history, and for its gloomy contribution to the later massacres of 1572 and 1792, as well as for the imprisonment of the Martyrs of 1546. When Carro wrote (1865), and indeed till a year or two ago, its latest buildings were still standing. But its final demolition was completed the other day, making room for a totally uninteresting public office. The situation is on the right, or town side, of the river; abuts on the Rue des Vieux Moulins, and the Quai Victor Hugo; is about two hundred metres, S.S.W. from the Cathedral, and rather less than two hundred metres West from the bridge over to the Marché. The master builder, in charge of the works, showed me several antique curiosities dug up on that spot, including a small stone axe head. The prisons covered a large space. (See also the sketch-plan of Meaux).

NOTE 96:

That is, by the Vacation Judges of the Parlement de Paris. [See pp. 39, 48, 50; and Notes 48, 49, 105a].

NOTE 96a

"Huguenots":-This phrase of Rochard's is perhaps an anachronism, but it is hazardous to assert even that, so obscure is the origin of the name, or its use. Browning's "History of the Huguenots" (fourth edition), enumerates ten derivations. Hus; Hugues, a Sacramentarian; Hugh Capet; and Hugon's tower at Tours; Huguenen, a Flemish word meaning Puritans;

together with Huguenote, meaning a common pot for cooking; and a few other suggestions, are in that work discussed and subordinated to the etymology often received, which traces this term to Eignot, Eidgenossen, federati―leagued together. This is the derivation insisted upon by Maimbourg, who says that, after Calvin returned to Geneva in 1541, his doctrine and discipline were followed by the protestants of France, since that time called "Huguenots" and "Calvinists." (Hist: du Calvinisme", 1682, pp. 50, 51.)

At the risk of appearing presumptuous in view of such authorities, I would venture to point out the vast change which the first syllable, (important in accent, and essential to the meaning of the word), must then have undergone even in a short time, in passing from the Teutonic to the Gallic speech. Such a change could only be readily explained, by the conversion into some very popular, or very ridiculous, phrase, that sounded somewhat like it in French. And it is indeed possible, that such a process may have have combined some of the other suggested derivations.

Before making up his mind the student will perhaps consider the valuable remarks appearing at Vol. I, pp. 307, 308, of the Histoire d: Égl: Réf: (1888 edition); where the annotator disapproves of the derivation from "Eignot." At that place the text itself inclines to adopt the derivation "Huguet," a sort of goblin king of the night, at Tours; which nickname was thence applied to protestants by the priests, from their using the cover of night for safe attendance at their Divine service. An episode at Angers, narrated in the Hist. d. Martyrs (Toulouse edition, Vol. III, p. 303), may perhaps support this theory.

Littré's "Dictionnaire de la langue Française" (1877) contains a long paragraph on the etymology of "Huguenot." The derivation from "eidgenossen" is discussed and disfavoured. "Huguenot" is there said to have been a proper name long before the Reformation, even in the fourteenth century. And it is asserted that the first written mention of it, in connection with Calvinists, appears under the form "huguenaulx", in a letter from the Comte de Villars, 11 November, 1560. [Compare also "Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London", Vol. 2, pp 249 etc. Vol. 3, pp 420 etc. .] Whatever view of the derivation may be adopted by the reader, or ultimately by scholars, the term itself, (well enough established before Rochard's own time,) was apparently not yet used by writers, to designate the French Protestants when the Fourteen were burnt

VOL. V.-NO. I,

H

in 1546, though Carro says that "Huguenots," "Calvinists," and "Protestants", were names indifferently used in 1563. (Histoire de Meaux, p. 224). No doubt the word “Huguenot" was employed by friends, and foes, to designate the party, before that time; and probably it was in popular use before anyone wrote it down.

Another very interesting nick-name was applied to that party. One sign of penitence, occasionally imposed by law on some, (and voluntarily adopted by others,) was to walk barefoot in a procession. (Cf. the Judgment, p. 52.) In 1561, the Meaux huguenots" made public processions into neighbouring villages with their preacher; and, though armed, many of them adopted the fancy of going barefoot. They then received the name "Pieds-Ñus", which they long retained. (See Carro's "Histoire de Meaux," p. 218.) (As to the earlier term "Lutheran", see Note 61.)

NOTE 97:

"Preuost des Mareschaux de France".

NOTE 97a:-
:-

See Note 59.

NOTE 97b:

"Lieutenant Particulier".

NOTE 98:

"Auec plusieurs autres officiers et gens de justice dudit

Meaux ".

NOTE 99:

See p. 42. Also Notes 66, 59; and p. 56.

NOTE 100:-
:-

"Baillage." - Compare Note 2, page 59.

NOTE 100a :

See pp. 42, 43. Also Note 70.

NOTE 101: :-

See pp. 42, 48, 51, 56. Also Note 52.

NOTE 101a:

There appears to be some discrepancy between this number and the details given in the judgment. [See pp: 51-53.]

NOTE 102:

Men, not women. [See the Judgment, pp. 51, 52.]

NOTE*:

"Carrefours." [Cf: also pp: 51, 52.]

NOTE 103:

As to the proper order in detail of the great processions at Meaux, see T. d. Plessis, Tome. I, pp. 336, 337.

NOTE 104

"Et auquel lieu estoit vn tres somptueux reposoir". [Cf: Note 78.]

NOTE 105:- :

Cf: Note 24, (towards end).

NOTE 105a

LEGAL PROCEDURE:-M. Weiss, in his book "La Chambre Ardente," (Paris, 1889), p. LXXI, &c., deals with the established legal procedure against alleged heretics. He dates the actual formation of the "Chambre particulière" at 1547-8; but this date need not concern us, as the appointment of that body was made merely to ease the pressure of religious cases before the "Parlement," involving probably no further amendment of procedure. This procedure itself doubtless fell within the Edict of Fontainebleau, 1540, and the Declaration of 23 July, 1543, together with the general law of France. The reader will bear in mind the supposed sovereign jurisdiction of the "Parlement," which Court had curtailed the Bishops' powers to arrest those not in orders, who were suspected of heresy, but afterwards (with encouragement from Rome) granted enormous powers to a mixed commission. [Cf: Note 17. See also Haag, pp. V, etc., and pièces justificatives. And Baird, Vol. I, pp. 124, etc.] Against suspects not in orders some sort of proceedings were no doubt open to the Bishops, their Vicars, or the Inquisitor of the Faith; but were undertaken with fuller powers by the King's officials, namely Baillis, Seneschals, or their Lieutenants General and Particular. The several Royal Courts could, in these cases, try the defendants,

but not even themselves pronounce final sentence, nor (it seems) award torture; for such acts must be done by the Parlement. Below the Baillis and Seneschals again came the Provosts and other inferior judges, who could only proceed by enquiry, information, and apprehension; which done, they had to send the informations and charges, with the prisoners, for trial, before the Baillis, Seneschals, etc. It was thus easier for the secular officers of the King, than for the Bishops, to conduct proceedings against the unordained. So the royal officers were, as a rule, the authorities that sent laymen to the Parlement for judgment. In these cases it seems that final sentence, or even award of torture, was reserved to the exclusive jurisdiction of the Parlement; which could probably revise the facts upon enquiry. The Bishops were, however, responsible in some degree to the Parlement for the orthodoxy, even of laymen, within their dioceses. They had, in some cases at least, to bear the costs of sending the accused, with their "sommiers", or official papers, up to Paris, and other costs. Again the judgment in the Meaux case contains, towards the end, a very important reference to the Lateran Council (obviously the IVth of that name, see Note 113), which required Bishops to take certain proceedings with a view to prosecution.

[Compare generally :-Baird; Weiss; Hist: Eccl: Edition 1883; also the Edict of Fontainebleau, 1540, given in La France protestante, "pièces justificatives"; The judgment, translation, p. 51, (dealing with support of Loys Picquery); pp. 54, 56, (cost of the intended chapel); pp. 54, 55, (citation of Lateran Council)].

It is clear from the accounts of Crespin, and of Rochard, that the local officers of the Baillage of Meaux, as well as the town Provost, and the Provost Marshal, took part in the present apprehension. This would seem to give, at least, two jurisdictions within which proceedings might originate; one, the Baillage, which could also carry on the trial, though not itself award sentence, or torture. From this jurisdiction the prisoners would, after enquiry (or trial), be duly sent before the Parlement. The supreme tribunal in the present case was the Vacation Court of the Parlement de Paris. [Cf. the recital to the judgment, translation, p. 50, also Note 48.] I cannot say how far the extraordinary powers of appointing a small commission, under the Parlement's arrangement of 1525, were used at any stage of this process. [Cf. Notes 17, 33 to 36, 46, 48, 106.] M. Weiss informs me that the counter-signature "Dezasses," at the foot of the judgment, is that of a Counsellor