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ants, was not yet, I think, apprehended or intended by French Churchmen. (Cf. however Smiles, "The Huguenots," 1868, p. 22, note.)

NOTE 62:

The Increase; the Increased; or, the Devoted. "diroit Surcroist," (Hist: d: Mart: 1582.)

NOTE 63.

"Comme qui

"Tormentis extraordinarijs." (Cf: translations, pp. 45, 48, 51.)

NOTE 64

:

"Postero die" :- A note to the 1885 edition of the "Hist: d: Mart:" says" Ce fut donc le 7 qu'ils furent exécutés et non "le 4, comme le disent les éditeurs des Calvini opera XII, "p. 411." As to this, even the distinct Rochard is rather confusing, who makes less use of dates than of the perpetual phrases: "Le dit jour", and "lendemain." However the judgment itself, dated of Monday the fourth, apparently contemplated that the execution should be on a Thursday, which the 7th of the month was. (See further Note 54.)

NOTE 65:

The noted controversy of Transubstantiation was doubtless a field of very warm fighting. Its importance, closely connected as it was with the adoration of the host, and also with the priests' powers, was recognized by both sides in the reformation campaign. [Cf: Translation above, p. 38; also Notes 43, 44, 45.] The doctrine itself had been definitely affirmed, along with the apostolical succession of priests, by the IVth Lateran Council, which assembled in 1215. See "Summa conciliorum omnium ordinata," Bail, Paris, 1675.]

The minister, in his dispute with Picard, seems to rely more on common sense than on other arguments. Though Crespin says LeClerc knew theology in French, we may suppose he was no schoolman. However, Crespin himself was a good scholar, and must be read with some caution when he implies that this Picard, the official theologian, had nothing coherent to say about the scholastic distinctions of Substance, Accident, Appearance; and that he even abstained from making a flank attack with the Lutheran weapon of Consubstantiation.

Though Crespin probably had but one-sided evidence as to this episode, he is in general well corroborated and sound in his statements of historical fact. If we are reluctant to

impute abject controversial ignorance to Picard, yet it is likely enough that the cramping influence of medieval school learning put many church disputants into some difficulty, when their premises and methods were questioned afresh by vigorous intellects.

NOTE 66:

"Septe ea conditione acceperut":-The historians vary here somewhat as to the details. Fox's Book of Martyrs [Edition 1846], gives the place of execution, as the spot where this horrid operation was performed; and says that seven refused the condition.

Again, Carro says that eight had their tongues cut out before quitting prison for the execution. (Hist. d. Meaux, p. 207.) See also Rochard's account. [Translation, p. 45.] But Toussaints du Plessis does not, in his very short account, allude to this additional severity. [Translation, pp. 48, 49.]

Carro, says that the object was to prevent the condemned from saying too much before the people, which is corroborated by an important rider to the Judgment itself, (see the translation, p. 56.) [Compare further Baird, Vol. I, 217. See also Notes 49, 59.] A case in 1533 is mentioned by the "Histoire Eccl. d. Egl. Réf.," [Edition 1883, Vol. I, p.23.]

This last-named work, at page 67, mentions by name Mangin only, in reference to this infliction in the Meaux case. But the account there is short, and this a side touch. [Compare also Laval's "History of the Reformation in France," 1737, Vol. 1, pp. 61, 62.]

The plain conclusion upon the whole is that seven or eight, including Mangin and LeClerc, suffered the loss of their tongues before quitting the prison.

Martin, in his "Histoire de France," (1878, Vol. VIII, p. 343), referring to this martyrdom, and to the allegation that Mangin spoke after his tongue was cut off, says ironically:"La Réforme commençait d'avoir aussi ses miracles." Whether the historians, Crespin and Bèze, thought this a miracle or not, we do not know; and ourselves need hardly so account it. A resolute man might, as an accomplished medical authority tells me, make a very simple ejaculation intelligible to willing hearers. The executioner probably did not use the searching skill of an anatomist. The phrases of the historians are respectively "prucidere," and "couper."

NOTE 66a

LeClerc is in error called Guillaume, not Pierre, in the

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short account of the execution itself given by the "Histoire Ecclésiastique," (Edition 1883, Vol. I, p. 69), which, however, has called him "Pierre" in the rest of the story. (Ibid. pp. 67, 68.)

NOTE 67:

THE FORM OF PROCESSION:-Compare p. 46; and Note 51. It appears from Rochard that it went past the Cathedral.

That route from the Château to the Grand Marché would extend to several hundred metres. (See plan.)

NOTE 68:

THE EXECUTION:-Rochard gives an account of the preparations for and accomplishment of this ghastly holocaust. (See translation, pp. 45, 46.)

NOTE 69:

"Adolescens, Michael Piquerius nominatus".-(See Note 52.)

NOTE 70:

Carro says that each of the fourteen was made fast high up on his gibbet, his face towards the pile to be fired. (ist: d: Meaux, p. 208). (Cf: Rochard, translation, p. 46.) There is a painful representation of a posture somewhat like this on the title page to the Actiones Martyrum. (See above, Note 1.)

NOTE 71:

(Marginal). "Furiosus Sacrificulorù boatus."

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"Sanctissimæ hostia":-It is of course impossible to adequately reproduce, in English, the historian's grim play on the ecclesiastical word “hostia.”

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