HELP REFUSED TO SWEGEN ESTRITHSON. 61 seems to have sought for protection in another quarter, and to have acknowledged himself a vassal of the Empire.1 These two years seem to have been marked by several physical phænomena. In the former we hear of the unusual severity of the winter, accompanied by an extraordinary fall of snow. In the latter several of the midland shires were visited by an earthquake.3 We read also of epidemics among both men and beasts, and of the appearance called wild fire. A few ecclesiastical appointments are also recorded; but one only calls for notice. Elfwine, Bishop of Winchester, died, and his Bishoprick fell neither to Frenchman nor to Lotharingian. Stigand rose another step in the ladder of promotion by his translation from the humbler see of Elmham to the Bishoprick of the Imperial city." As far as we can make out through the confused chronology of these years, it was in the year of the peace with Norway (1048) that England underwent, what we have not now heard of for many years, an incursion of Scandinavian pirates. Two chiefs, named Lothen and Yrling, came with twenty-five ships, and harried various parts of the coast. This event must have been in some way connected with the course of the war between Harold and Swegen. Probably some enterprising Wikings in the service of one or other of those princes. found a moment of idleness just as the two Kings were taking possession of their crowns, and thought the opportunity a good one for an attack on England. Such an attack was doubtless unexpected, especially as such good care had been taken to keep on good terms with both the contending Kings. But possibly the more daring policy of Godwine would really have been the safer. Had fifty English ships, 1 See below, p. 64. 2 Chron. Ab. 1046; Fl. Wig. 1047; Chron. Wig. 1048. It was after Candlemas, i.e. of 1047. 3 Chronn. Ab. 1048; Wig. 1049; Fl. Wig. 1048. Chron. Wig. 1049. "pet wilde fyr on Deorbyscire micel yfel dide." Florence (1048) calls it "ignis aërius, vulgo dictus silvaticus." 5 Chronn. Ab. 1047; Wig. 1048; Petrib. 1045; Cant. 1046; Fl. Wig. 1047. By some extraordinary confusion Florence places here the death of Eadmund, Bishop of Durham, and the succession of Eadred, which happened in 1041. See vol. i. pp. 352. 6 Chron. Ab. 1048; Chron. Petrib. 1046. These clearly refer to the same event. I hardly understand Mr. Thorpe's note to his Translation of the Chronicles, P. 137. "This predatory expedition, as signed here to the year 1046, is of a much earlier date"-one seemingly before the year 1000. This is because a Lothen and an Yrling occur in the story of Olaf Tryggwesson. But the Chronicler could hardly be mistaken on such a point. Lappenberg (499. Thorpe, ii. 239) seems to have no doubt on the matter. There is an entry in the Hampshire Domesday, 40 b, which perhaps points to this particular irruption, which at all events points to the possibility of irruptions of the kind. Certain lands of the see of Winchester are taxed at a lower rate because of their being exposed to the attacks of Wikings; "T. R. E. et modo se defendit pro 20 hidis. Tamen sunt numero 30 hidæ. Sed Rex E. ita donavit causâ, Wichingarum quia super mare est." 7 "Godwines Rath wurde bald als der richtige erkannt." Lappenberg, 499. whatever their errand, been afloat in the Northern seas, Lothen and Yrling could hardly have come to plunder the shores of England. Anyhow the story shows us the sort of spirit which still reigned in the North. There were still plenty of men ready to seek their fortunes in any part of the world as soon as a moment of unwelcome quiet appeared at home. Harold and Swegen at least did the world some service by finding employment for such men in warfare with one another. The Wikings harried far and wide. From Sandwich they carried off a vast booty in men, gold, and silver. In the Isle of Wight they must have met with more resistance, as many of the best men of the island are said to have been slain.2 In Thanet too the landfolk withstood them manfully, refused them landing and water, and drove them altogether away. Thence they sailed to Essex, where they plundered at their pleasure. By this time the King and the Earls had got together some ships. The Earls were doubtless Godwine and Harold, on whose governments the attack had been made, and the words of our authorities seem to imply that Eadward was really present in person." They sailed after the pirates, but they were too late. The enemy had already made his way to the common refuge alike of banished Englishmen and of foes of England. The Wikings were now safe in the havens of Flanders-of Baldwines land; there they found a ready market for the spoils of England, and thence they sailed back to their own country. 3 6 We here seem to be reading over again the history of the events which led to the first hostile relations between England and Normandy. The Northmen are again plundering England, and a continental power again gives them so much of help and comfort as is implied in letting them sell their plunder in his havens. This time the offending power was not Normandy but Flanders, and Eadward, unlike his father, had no lack of powerful friends on the continent. The great prince who had, a year before, been raised to the throne of the world was, as we have seen, on the most intimate terms with his English brother, and it is plain that close alliance with the Empire formed part of the policy of the patriotic party. The illustrious 9 Probably in other cases the landfolk had to 5 Chron. Ab. 1048. "And Eadward cining and ba eorlas foran æfter þam út mid heore scypun." Eadward had been on board the fleet once before (see p. 48), but that time he saw no service. 6 Chron. Petrib. 1046. 7 See vol. i. pp. 192, 203, 426. 8 Lamb. Herz. 1047. 9 See above, p. 10. ALLIANCE WITH THE EMPIRE. 63 Cæsar had filled the Papal chair with a Pontiff like-minded with himself. A series of German Popes of Imperial nomination had followed one another in a quick succession of short reigns, but they had had time to show forth in their virtues a marked contrast to the utter degradation of the Italian Pontiffs who had gone immediately before them. The throne of Peter was now filled, at the Imperial bidding, by Bruno, Bishop of Toul, a native of Elsass and a kinsman of the Emperor, who had taken the name of Leo the Ninth.1 He was now in his second year of office, having been appointed in the year of the peace between England and Norway. It was perhaps only a later legend which told how, on his way to Rome, he fell in with the famous Hildebrand, then in exile, how he listened to his rebukes for the crime of accepting a spiritual office from an earthly lord, how he entered Rome as a pilgrim, and did not venture to ascend the Pontifical throne till he was again more regularly chosen thereto by the voice of the Roman clergy and people. But, in any case, this concession to ecclesiastical rule or prejudice had abated nothing of Leo's loyalty to his Teutonic sovereign, nothing of his zeal for the welfare, both spiritual and temporal, of lands which the Italian Pontiffs so seldom visited. The Pope was now at Aachen, ready with his spiritual weapons to help the Emperor against a league of his rebellious vassals. They had waged war against their suzerain; they had burned the city and church of Verdun; they had destroyed the noble palace of the Emperor at Nimwegen. Foremost among the offenders were Theodoric of Holland, Baldwin of Flanders, and Godfrey of Lotharingia. Godfrey was specially guilty. After a former rebellion he had been imprisoned and released, and now he was foremost in the new insurrection, especially in the deed of sacrilege at Verdun.3 The Pope therefore did not hesitate to issue his excommunication against him (1049). Godfrey yielded; the ban of the Father of Christendom bent his soul; he submitted to scourging, he redeemed his hair at a great sum, he contributed largely to the rebuilding of the cathedral which he had burned, and himself laboured at the work like a common mason. But Baldwin of Flanders, possibly trusting to his ambiguous position as a vassal both of the Empire and of the French Crown, was more obstinate, and still continued his ravages. The Emperor accordingly called on his vassals and allies for help against a prince whose power might well seem dangerous even to Kings and 1 See the Life of Leo by the contemporary Archdeacon Wibert, in Muratori, iii. 282. 2 The intervention of Hildebrand, as told by Otto of Freisingen in his Annals, lib. vi. c. 33, seems apocryphal, as Muratori remarks in his note, iii. 292. But the germ of the story is to be found in Wibert; Leo entered Rome barefoot, and though he announced his appointment by the Emperor, he demanded the assent of the clergy and people before he entered on his office. 3 On this war see Appendix O. Cæsars. King Swegen of Denmark-so low had Denmark fallen since the days of Cnut-obeyed the summons as a vassal.1 King Eadward of England contributed his help as an ally, and as one who was himself an injured party. The reception of English exiles at Baldwin's court, the licence allowed to Scandinavian pirates of selling the spoils of England in Baldwin's havens, caused every Englishman to look on the Count of Flanders as an enemy. The help which had been refused to Swegen was therefore readily granted to Henry. The King of the English was not indeed asked to take any part in continental warfare by land. The share of the enterprise assigned to him was to keep the coast with his ships, in case the rebellious prince should attempt to escape by sea. Again, as in the days of Æthelstan and Eadmund, an English fleet appeared in the Channel, ready, if need be, to take a part in continental warfare. But now, as in the days of Æthelstan and Eadmund,3 nothing happened which called for its active service. Eadward and his fleet watched at Sandwich, while the Emperor marched against Baldwin by land. But the Count of Flanders, instead of betaking himself to the sea, submitted in all things to the will of the mighty over-lord whom he had provoked.* 5 2 The immediate object for the assembling of the fleet had been attained; but the events which immediately followed showed that the fleet was just as likely to be needed for protection at home, as for a share in even just and necessary warfare abroad. The submission of Baldwin to the Emperor seems to have let loose the English exiles who had been flitting backwards and forwards between Flanders and Denmark, and who had possibly taken a part on Baldwin's side in the last campaign. Both Osgod Clapa and Swegen the son of Godwine now appeared at sea. Swegen had only eight ships; but Osgod had—we are not told how-gathered a force of thirty-nine. While the King was still at Sandwich, Swegen returned to England. He sailed first to Bosham, a favourite lordship of his father, and one whose name we shall again meet with in connexion with events of still greater moment to the house of Godwine. He there left his ships, and went to the King at Sandwich, and offered to become his man. His natural allegiance as an English subject was perhaps held to be cancelled by his outlawry or by his having become the man of Swegen of Denmark or of some other foreign prince. A new personal 1 Florence (1049) seems pointedly to distinguish the relations in which Swegen and Eadward stood to the Emperor. "Suanus . ut Imperator illi mandárat, cum suâ classe ibi affuit, et eâ vice fidelitatem Imperatori juravit. Misit quoque ad Regem Anglorum Eadwardum et rogavit illum ne Baldwinum permitteret effugere, si vellet ad mare fugere." 2 Flor. Wig. 1049; Chronn. Ab. and Wig. ib. "þæt he ne geþafode þæt he him on watere ne ætburste." 3 See vol. i. pp. 137, 148. 5 See pp. 58. 6 Chron. Ab. 1049. "He com hider mid hiwunge, cwæð þæt he wolde his man beon," RETURN OF SWEGEN. 65 commendation was seemingly needed for his reconciliation with his natural sovereign. He seems to have asked for his Earldom again; at any rate, he was tired of the life of a sea-rover, and asked that his lands which had been confiscated might be given back to him for his maintenance. He seems to have found favour, either with the King personally or with some of those who were about him, for it was proposed, if not actually resolved, that Swegen should be restored to all his former possessions.1 But the strongest opponents of such a course were found in the kinsmen to whom his confiscated lands had been granted, his cousin Beorn and his brother Harold. They both refused to give up any part of what the King had given them.2 Swegen's petition was accordingly refused; his outlawry was confirmed; only, as seems to have been usual in such cases, he was allowed four days to get him out of the country. How far Harold and Beorn were actuated in this matter by mere regard to their own interests, how far by a regard to the public good, how far by that mixture of motives which commonly determines men's actions, we have no means of judging. This is not the only act of Harold's early life which may be taken to show that he had not yet acquired those wonderful gifts of conciliation and self-restraint which mark his more mature career. Of the character of Beorn we know nothing except from this story; what we hear of him directly afterwards certainly sets him before us in a generous and amiable light. The tale is told us in a perfectly colourless way, without any hint how the conduct of the two cousins was judged of in the eyes of contemporaries in general or in the eyes of Earl Godwine. At all events, Swegen went away from Sandwich empty-handed. He thence went to Bosham, where his ships were lying in the land-locked haven of that place. This was just at the moment when the fleet, no longer needed for service against Baldwin, was beginning to disperse. We see that this fleet also had been gathered in the ancient way by the contingents or contributions of the shires, and that only a small number of the ships were in the King's permanent service. Those of the crews who had come from distant, especially inland, districts were naturally weary of tarrying when there was no prospect of active service, and the contingent of Mercia was accordingly allowed to return home. The King remained at Sandwich with a few ships only. Meanwhile a 4 |