SWEGEN AND EADGIFU.

57

Gruffydd's immediate neighbour to the east was Swegen, whose anomalous earldom took in the border shires of Gloucester and Hereford. Gruffydd accordingly gave hostages, and accompanied Swegen in an expedition against the other Gruffydd, the son of Rhydderch, the King of South Wales. On his triumphant return Swegen was guilty of an act which embittered the remainder of his days, a breach of the laws of morality which the ecclesiastical feelings of the time clothed with tenfold guilt. He sent for Eadgifu, Abbess of Leominster, kept her awhile with him, and then sent her home.2 Like the Shechem of patriarchal story, he next sought, with a generosity as characteristic of his wayward temper as any of his worst deeds, to make reparation by marriage. But the law of the Church stood in his way. Richard of Normandy, as we have seen, had found it easy to raise his mistress to all the honours due to a matron and the wife of a sovereign. The Lady Emma herself, wife and mother of so many Kings, was the offspring of an union which the Church had thus hallowed only after the fact. But no such means of reparation were open to the seducer of a consecrated virgin. marriage was of course forbidden, and Swegen, in his disappointment, threw up his Earldom, left his country, and betook himself, first to Flanders, the usual place of refuge for English exiles, and thence to the seat of war in the North. A formal sentence of outlawry seems to have followed, as the lordships of Swegen were confiscated, and divided between his brother Harold and his cousin Beorn.5 On Eadgifu and her monastery the hand of ecclesiastical discipline seems to have fallen heavily. The nunnery of Leominster, one of the objects

ciliation between Eadward and Gruffydd. The success of Ealdred in reconciling both Swegen and Gruffydd to the King is specially commented on by Thomas Stubbs, the biographer of the Archbishops of York (X Scriptt. 101). Now Stubbs wrote more than three hundred years after the time; still he is not a romancer like Bromton or Knighton, but a really honest and careful writer, and he doubtless had access to materials which are now lost or unprinted. He may indeed refer to the later reconciliation in 1056, but the combination of the names of Swegen and Gruffydd might lead us to think that he was speaking of some event at this time.

Chron. Ab. 1046. "Her on þysum geare for Swegn eorl into Wealan, and Griffin se Norberna cyng ford mid him, and him man gislode." In Ann. Camb. 1046 we read, "Seditio magna orta fuit inter Grifud filium Lewelin et Grifud filium Riderch." Or possibly the expedition may

The

of the bounty of Earl Leofric, now vanishes from history. The natural inference is that the misconduct of Eadgifu led, not only to her own disgrace, but to the dissolution of the sisterhood over which she had so unworthily presided. We hear of no later marriage on the part of Swegen, but in after years we shall meet with a son of his, probably a child of the frail Abbess of Leominster. Born under other circumstances, he might have been head of the house of Godwine. As it was, the son of Swegen and Eadgifu was the child of shame and sacrilege, and the career to which he was doomed was short and gloomy.

4

The banishment of the Staller Osgod Clapa, at the bridal of whose daughter King Harthacnut had come to his untimely end, took place this year.3 Like the banishment of Gunhild, this measure was evidently connected with the movements in the North of Europe. Osgod was doubtless one of those who had been marked men ever since the election of Eadward, and who, in the present state of Scandinavian affairs, were felt to be dangerous. The immediate peril came from Magnus; but there could be little doubt that, of the three princes who were disputing the superiority of Scandinavia, the successful one, whether Magnus, Harold, or Swegen, would assert some sort of claim to the possession of England. Magnus had done so already. Harold lived to invade England and to perish in the attempt. It was only the singular prudence of Swegen which kept him back from any such enterprise till he was able to interfere in English affairs in the guise of a deliverer. Partizans of any one of the contending princes were clearly dangerous in England. Osgod was driven out, seemingly by a decree of the Christmas Gemót, and he presently, after the usual sojourn in Flanders, took himself to the seat of war in Denmark." Osgod and Swegen most probably took service with Swegen Estrithson. The presence of Swegen the son of Godwine would be welcome indeed to the partizans of his Danish namesake. The nephew of Ulf, the cousin of their own leader, the son of the great English Earl, renowned in the North as the conqueror of the Wends,' was a recruit richly to be prized. And the cause of Swegen Estrith

1 Will. Malms. ii. 196. "Leofricus monasteria multa constituit. Leonense, et nonnulla alia." So Flor. Wig. 1057. On Leominster, see Monasticon, iv. 51. 2 See Appendix N.

3 Chronn. Ab. 1046; Wig. 1047. "Man utlagode Osgod stallere." Chron. Petrib. 1044. "On pis ilcan geare wearð aflemed ut Osgot Clapa." Chron. Cant. 1045. "And Osgod Clapa wærd ut adriven." The difference of expression in the different

5

son just then greatly needed recruits. His hopes, lately so flourishing, had been again dashed to the ground. Magnus had contrived to gain over his uncle Harold to his side (1047), by the costly bribe of a share in the Kingdom of Norway. The gift indeed was not quite gratuitous. Besides joining in the war with Swegen, Harold was to share with Magnus the treasures which he had gathered in his Southern warfare.1 The two Kings now joined their forces, and drove Swegen out of Jütland and the Danish Isles. He retained only Scania, that part of the old Danish realm which lies on the Swedish side of the Sound, and which is now politically part of Sweden.2 In the course of the next year Swegen was again aiming at the recovery of his Kingdom. It was probably the presence of English exiles in his camp, which suggested to him the idea of obtaining regular help from England as an ally of the English King. He sent and asked for the help of an English fleet. In those days questions of peace and war were not decided either by the Sovereign only or by the Sovereign and a few secret counsellors; they were debated openly by the Witan of the whole land. The demand of Swegen was discussed in full Gemót. Swegen had certainly acted, whether of set purpose or not, as a friend of England; the diversion caused by him had saved England from a Norwegian invasion. But setting aside any feelings of gratitude on this account, any feelings of attachment to the kinsman of Cnut and of Godwine, it does not appear that England had any direct interest in embracing the cause of Swegen. A party which sought only the immediate interest of England might argue that the sound policy was to stand aloof, and to leave the contending Kings of the North to wear out each other's power and their own. Such however was not the view taken by Godwine. In the Gemót in which the question was debated, the Earl of the West-Saxons supported the petition of his nephew, and proposed that fifty ships should be sent to his help. It is clear that such a course might be supported by plausible arguments. It is clear that equally plausible arguments might be brought forward on the other side. And if, as is possible, this question was discussed in the same Gemót in which sentence of outlawry was pronounced against Swegen the son of Godwine, it is clear that the father of the culprit would stand at a great disadvantage in supporting the request of the prince with whom that culprit had taken service. It marks the still abiding influence of Godwine that he was able to preserve the confiscated lordships of Swegen for Harold and Beorn. But in his recommendation of giving armed support to Swegen Estrithson all his eloquence utterly failed. The cause of non-intervention was pleaded by Earl Leofric, and his arguments prevailed. All the people, we are told-the popular character of the Assembly still impresses itself on the language of history-agreed with Leofric, and 1 Snorro, Harold, 21 (Laing, iii. 19). 2 Ibid. 26, 28 (Laing, iii. 25, 27).

determined the proposal of Godwine to be unwise. The naval force of Magnus, it was said, was too great to be withstood.' Swegen Estrithson had therefore to carry on the struggle with his own unaided forces. Against the combined powers of Magnus and Harold those forces were utterly unavailing. Swegen was defeated in a great sea-fight; Magnus took possession of all Denmark, and laid a heavy contribution upon the realm.2 Swegen again took refuge in Sweden, and now began to meditate a complete surrender of his claims upon Denmark. Just at this moment, we are told, a messenger appeared, bringing the news of the sudden death of Magnus. The victorious King had perished by an accident not unlike that which had caused the death of Lewis of Laôn. His horse, suddenly startled by a hare, dashed his rider against the trunk of a tree.5 On his death-bed he bequeathed the crown of Norway to his uncle Harold and that of Denmark to his adversary Swegen. Such a bequest is quite in harmony with the spirit of the correspondence between Magnus and Eadward. Swegen returned and took possession of his Kingdom, and though he was for years (1048-1061) engaged in constant warfare with Harold, he never wholly lost his hold upon the country. The first act of both the new Kings was to send embassies to England. Harold offered peace and friendship; Swegen again asked for armed help against Harold. The debate of the year before was again reopened. Godwine again supported the request of his nephew, and again proposed that fifty ships should be sent to his help. Leofric again opposed the motion, and the people again with one voice supported Leofric. Help was refused to Swegen and peace was concluded with Harold (1048). Swegen, despairing of English aid,

1 The application of Swegen and the refusal by the Witan come from the Worcester Chronicle, 1048. "And Swegen eac sende hider, bead him fylstes ongeon Magnus Norwega cyng; þæt man sceolde sendan L. scypa him to fultume; ac hit puhte unræd eallum folce; and hit wear pa gelet, purh þæt be Magnus hæfde mycel scypecraft." The personal share of Godwine and Leofric in the debate comes from Florence, 1047. "Tunc comes Godwinus consilium Regi dedit ut saltem L. naves militibus instructas ei mitteret; sed quia Leofrico comiti et omni populo id non videbatur consilium, nullam ei mittere voluit."

2 Flor. Wig. 1047.

3 Snorro, Harold, 30 (Laing, iii. 29). Saxo, 204. Cf. vol. i. p. 154.

5 The legendary writers confounded Swegen and Magnus, making a King of Denmark be drowned as he was setting forth