Hugh of Evermont [sic], seemingly the same Hugh who figures in the legend of Hereward as his son-in-law and successor."

But the French editors of Ordericus, in a note to the passage from which this statement was taken (iv. 18), speak of our man as "Hugue d'Envermeu, donateur du prieuré de St. Laurent d'Envermeu à l'Abbaye de Bec."7

Turning for a moment from Hugh to Ansford, we read in the Lincolnshire "Clamores":

Terram Asford in Bercham hund' dicit Wapentac non habuisse Herewardum die quo aufugiit (D.B., i. 3766).

About this entry, as Mr. Freeman observed, "there can be no doubt." But as the result of his careful inquiry, he limited "our positive knowledge," from Domesday, to this entry and to two in the text of the Lincolnshire survey (364b, 377). It is strange that he did not follow up the clue the "Clamores " gave him. The relevant entry in the text of the Survey is duly found under the Peterborough fief:

In Witham et Mannetorp et Toftlund habuit Hereward xii. bovatas terræ ad .geldum. Ibi Asuert [sic] homo abbatis.

Berew[ita] hujus M. in Bercaham et Estou i. carucata terræ ad geldum. Ibi Asford habet, etc.

In Estov Soca in Witham iiii. bovatæ terræ et dimidia ad geldum. Ibi Asfort de abbate habet, etc.

(i. 346).

This is the "terra Asford" referred to in the "Clamores," and, as amounting to 3 carucates, it is clearly the "iii. carucatas" assigned in our list to "Ansford." Thus, through his successor Ansford, we have at last run down our man; Hereward was, exactly as is stated by Hugh "Candidus," a "man" of the Abbot of Peterborough; and

• William Rufus, i. 571. He makes it "Evermouth" in the Norman Conquest.

7 Envermeu lay on the coast some 10 miles to the east of Dieppe. "The Legend of Hereward" (Norm. Conq., iv. [1st Ed.], 805).

Hereward "The Wake"

161

his holding was situated at Witham on the Hill, not far from Bourne, and, at Barholme-with-Stow a few miles off, all in the extreme south-west of the county. This is the fact for which Mr. Freeman sought in vain, and which has eluded Professor Tout, in his careful life of the outlaw for the Dictionary of National Biography.

We are now in a position to examine the gloss of Hugh "Candidus," showing how "Baldwin Wake" possessed the holdings both of Hugh and of Ansford:10_

Primus Hugo de Euremu. Baldwinus Wake tenet in Depinge, Plumtre, et Stove feoda duorum militum. Et præterea dictus Baldewinus tenet feodum unius militis in Wytham et Bergham de terra Affordi. Et prædictus Baldewinus de predictis feodis abbati de Burgo debet plenarie respondere de omni forensi [servitio]. Here we see how the legendary name and legendary position of Hereward were evolved. The Wakes, Lords of Bourne, held among their lands some, not far from Bourne, which had once been held by Hereward. Thus arose the story that Hereward had been Lord of Bourne; and it was but a step further to connect him directly with the Wakes, by giving him a daughter and heir married to Hugh de Evermou, whose lands had similarly passed to the Lords of Bourne. The pedigree-maker's crowning stroke was to make Hereward himself a Wake,11 just as Baldwin fitz Gilbert (de Clare) is in one place transformed into a Wake.12 The climax was reached when the modern Wakes revived the name of Hereward, just as "Sir Brian Newcome of Newcome" set the seal to his family legend by giving his children "names out of the Saxon calendar."

9 With its hamlets of Manthorpe and Toft with Lound.

10 Ed. Sparke (Historia Anglicana Scriptores [1723].

11 Professor Tout throws out the unlucky suggestion: "the Wake, i.e., apparently the watchful one."

19 See the new Monasticon on Deeping Priory, and the rubric to Baldwin's charter. The true parentage of Baldwin fitz Gilbert will be shown infra in the paper on Walter Tirel and his wife."

B. H.

66

M

Returning to Hereward himself, we find Mr. Freeman writing (of the spring of 1070):

At this moment we hear for the first time of one whose mythical fame outshines all the names of his generation, and of whom the few historical notices make us wish that details could be filled in from some other source than legend. Both the voice of legend and the witness of the great Survey agree in connecting Hereward with Lincolnshire, but they differ as to the particular spot in the shire in which he is to be quartered. Legend also has forgotten a fact which the document has preserved, namely, that the hero of the fenland did not belong wholly to Lincolnshire, but that he was also a landholder in the distant shire of Warwick. But the Survey has preserved another fact with which the legendary versions of his life have been specially busy. Hereward, at some time it would seem, before the period of his exploits, had fled from his country, 13

Let us first dismiss from our minds the alleged fact as to Warwickshire. There is absolutely nothing to connect the Count of Meulan's tenant there with the Lincolnshire hero: indeed Mr. Freeman admits in his appendix "that the Hereward of these entries may be some other person (p. 805). Legend had as excellent a reason for ignoring this alleged "fact" as had "romance" for having “perversely forgotten" to mention the deeds or the fate of William Malet in the Isle (Ib., p. 473). We must also dismiss the "fact "-" undoubted history" though it be (Ib., p. 805)-of Hereward's "banishment" at some time between 1062 and 1070. For the Survey gives no date; it merely speaks of "die quâ aufugiit" (i. 376b), which phrase, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, must be referred to his escape from the "Isle,"14 when (1071) in the words of Florence, "cum paucis evasit." This at once explains the Domesday entry (ante, p. 160), for he would, of course, have forfeited his holding before that date.

13 Norm. Conq. (1st Ed.), iv. 455-6. 14 Norm. Cong. (1st Ed.), iv. 484. Professor Tout, however, follows Mr. Freeman, and accepts an earlier "flight from England" as a fact. One must therefore insist that "the whole story has no historical basis."

Hereward's True History

163

"But leaving fables and guesses aside," in Mr. Freeman's words, "we know enough of Hereward to make us earnestly long to know more" (p. 456). My proof that the English hero was a "man" of the Abbot of Peterborough explains why "Hereward and his gang," as they are termed in the Peterborough Chronicle, "seem," Mr. Freeman is forced to admit, "to be specially the rebellious tenants of the Abbey," as distinct from the Danes and the outlaws (p. 459). And the vindication, on this point, of Hugh Candidus' accuracy makes one regret that Mr. Freeman, though eager for information as to Hereward, ignored so completely that writer's narrative. It is in absolute agreement with the Peterborough Chronicle, Mr. Freeman's own authority, but records some interesting details which the Chronicle omits.15 These place Hereward's conduct in a somewhat different light, and suggest that he may really have been loyal to the Abbey whose "man" he was. His plea for bringing the Danes to Peterborough was that he honestly believed that they would overthrow the Normans, and that the treasures of the church would, therefore, be safer in their hands. He may perfectly well have been hostile to the Normans, and yet faithful to the Abbey so long as Brand held it; but the news that Turold and his knights were coming to make the Abbey a centre of Norman rule against him 16 would drive him to extreme courses. Professor Tout has made some use of Hugh, but says, strangely, that "the stern rule of the new Abbot Turold drove into revolt the tenants," when his rule had not yet begun.

Again, there is now no doubt where Hereward ought "to be quartered." Two other places with which the Domesday

15 I am tempted, indeed, to suggest that Hugh may have had before him that lost local "account of Hereward's doings," which was inserted (but, according to my own view, in an abbreviated form) into the earlier chronicle, according to Professor Earle (see Norm. Conq., iv. 461, note 3). This solution would explain everything, and would, if accepted, greatly increase the importance of Hugh's chronicle.

16 Cf. William of Malmesbury in loco.

survey connects him are Rippingale and, possibly, Laughton to the north of Bourne. Living thus on the edge of the fenland, he may well have been a leader among "that English folk of the fenlands" who rose, says the Peterborough Chronicle, in the spring of 1070, to join the Danish fleet and throw off the Norman yoke. And the prospect of being ousted from his Peterborough lands by a follower of the new French abbot would have added a personal zest to his patriotic zeal.

Mr. Freeman, followed by Professor Tout,17 holds that the story in the false Ingulf is not to be wholly cast aside, as it may contain some genuine Crowland tradition; 18 but he has not accurately given that story. It might hastily be gathered, as it was by him, that it was Hereward's motherin-law who "very considerately takes the veil at the hands of Abbot Ulfcytel," whereas it was, according to the Gesta, his wife who did this. The Gesta version, he writes, "of Turfrida going into a monastery to make way for Ælfthryth is plainly another form of the story in Ingulf, which makes not herself but her mother do so." But if the Historia Ingulphi (pp. 67-8) be read with care, it will be seen that "mater Turfride" should clearly be "mater Turfrida," the reading that the sense requires. So there is here no opposition, and Ingulf merely follows the Gesta version.

As for the honour of Bourne, it can be shown from the carta of Hugh Wac in 1166, from our list of knights, and from the Pipe-Roll of 1130, to have been formed from separate holdings and to have descended as follows:

17 Dictionary of National Biography.

18 Appendix on "the Legend of Hereward," ut supra.