als ye cardinal said yat he and yaire house wes perpetually oblist to remane zour guid seruandis and yat zoure grace suld fynd yame als reddy as ony subiect zoure grace had in ye warld. And yaireftir ye king directit incontinent ye samin day ane gentilman of his chalmer for mons de guise quhay wes in champange to cum heire ye post for ye ending and concluding of yire materis quhay come to Leonis yis xxi. day of october, quhome apoun I haue tariit. Heire sene ye kingis departing, quhilk wes ye x day of ye samin moneth I have spokin at lenth wyt ye said mons' de guise quhome I find mervellouss desirouse of ye expeditioun and haiste end of ye mater, the cause yat he come na soner wes, yat he hes done diligence and send ye post baith to ye Duke of loraine and to his dochter and hes gottin yaire mynd and beneuolence to ye fulfilling and ending of ye said mater. And now yis day he departis of yis toun ye post towart ye king quhay is in grenenoble quhilk is viii legis fra yis. And I sall follow him fast will god. I beleiff surly wytin veray short tyme to haue ane final end in yis mater and how sone resolutioun and end beis maid I sall send wt all extreme diligence aduertising of all to your grace, war not ye grete besines yat is heire ado and ye kingis passing vp in yire partis yire erandis had bene done or now for I find ye king cardinal and mons de guise als desirouse of ye end yarof as is possible and elikwise all oyeris noblemen In yir partis. And euery man thinkis zour grace ane noble wise and constant prince yat bydis sa ferme at ye king zour fader quhay schawis planely to euery man that he hes na less fauo' na will do na less for zou thane ze ware his awin carnal sone. Schir sene all yire materis gais sa weill and na apperand difficulte bot all sall cum sone and weill to gud effect, for ye luf of god and weill of zour gracis successioun realme and subiectis haue pacience for ane litill tyme for in gud faith ye tyme is langsummer to me nor to ony vther levand man quhill I se zoure grace, and I traist in god to do sua yat ye wyntir sall not stop us bot we sall haistely cum hame sua yat gud sett wedder may be had. loving to god scho is stark and weill complexionit and may indure travel. scho is presently wyt her moder in champange by dand on ye resolutioun yat is takin heire. I dare assure yat yaire wes neuir greter diligence done in ane mater nor is done in yis considering ye tyme and cummaris yat are heire ado, for ye king tuk his voyage of fontaneblew ye morne eftir my cummyne to his grace and sene syne hes continually travellit and na thing heire ado bot assambleing of men of weire. bait suesis almannis etalianis and frenchemen sua yat he is at yis houre vtouch XLM fute men j men of armes and xij leicht horse. The principall occasioun and cause of ye sending of ye Dolphin of ye hillis is for ye victalling of turing pynzerol and other strenthis win pemond. quhilk beand done I traist ye army sall skall for yis wynter. ye Inemys ar not stark aneuch to resist yame sua I traist yai sall have done yat yai haue ado win ane fiftene dais ar yarby. The Turk is reterit and past away and hes done bot sobire skaith apoune cristin men lovinge to god, quhilk is liker to be be mirakle nor vyer way considering yat he had na forse nor party to resist aganis him he wes mekle persecutit be turment of evil wedder. As for peire weiff yaire can na thing be had of him for he allegis yat ye quene quhome god assolze wes awand him maire nor ye haill soume yat he hes resauit notye less or I depart I sall do yarto yat is to me possible. As for ye money of zour counte of gyane it wilbe gottin and I sall waire ye samin vpoun wyne and sic vyer necessaire thingis as I sall think for your grace, and as it plesis zour grace to aduertise, beseikand the samin to aduertise me of zour gracis mynd and plesur in all behalfis and I sall not faill to fulfill ye samin at ye vtermaist of my power. And yes eftir maist humile commendatioun of my maist lawle seruice to your grace I beseik ye trinite to preserue ye samin eternally. Of Leonis yis xxij day of october be zour gracis Maist humile & maist obedient [Addressed]: To the Kingis grace. V. Add. MS. 19401. ff. 41-42. servito ARBROHT. Schir I resauit zour gracis writting fra James Skrymgeo ye xiiii day of yis instant moneth [of octo]ber ye gidder wt ye xiij falconis quharof I presentit xii to ye kingis grace and ye toyer to lorge montgumry quha is wat ye king in gud credit and is zour gracis gud seruand. ye king zour gracis fader wes ryt blyt of ye saidis halkis and thankit zour grace gretumlie yarof and estemit yame mekle, and send to me twa dais yarefter viii faire gzire falconis quhilkis salbe at zour grace ye sonest yat is possible as yai may be cariit ye gidder wt ane falconare yat can mak and handill yame. As for casso ye fule I wrait to gour grace of befor how he is ane sely seikly body and may na way travel. And as to ye sangeleris and cokis of ynd I sall provid for ye samin wt diligence bot I dreid ye tyme of zeire be not conuenient to cary yame now I sall pretermitt na thing in yat behalf nor oyeris yat may be done will god. Schir pleise zour grace to onderstand yat yair is intelligence and labouris makand betuix ye king and ye king of ingland tuichinge ye mariage of mons de orleance and ye kinge of inglandis dochter as I wrait of befor to zour grace, and sum thing hes bene in heid yar ane meting suld be betuix yame in ye sprynge of ye zeire, and ye king zoure gracis fader schew me gif ony sic thing were he wald aduertise zou in tyme to be at ye samyn bot now win yir twa dais quhene I spak last wt him I fand him of ane oyir purpose and and to send sum ambassatouris to ingland and to comone on yat and oyer materis. And yat he thot necessar yat zour gracis ambassatouris were yaire elikwise yat his ambassatouris and zouris myt concur togidder and na thing to be done yaire by zoure gracis avise. And said yat he suld aduertis zoure grace in dew tyme or he send ambassatouris to ye effect yat zour grace myt send siclik. quhat followis of yire purposis Í sall not faill to aduertise youre grace heireftir. As to ye payment of ye queenis pensioun it is reddy in to paris and wilbe deliuirit how sone ye king cummis He commandit him self to fontaineblew quhilk be wtin x or xii dais. to pay it thankfully, yair is na thing done in sic materis at yis tyme by his awin speciall command. As to ye impositioune rasit agane ye merchandis of zoure gracis realme ye samin is exsped be his gracis awin special command and commission directit to his officiaris to considder quhat priulegis yai haue broukit in tymes bypast and yat the samin be kepit to yame in tyme cummyne. I sall do gud will to gett it maire ample nor it wes of befor. I assure youre grace yis mater hes bene cummersum and wer not ye kingis self wald haue it done in fauo of zour grace it had not bene gottin for na thing nor yaire is nane of his awin subiectis nor oyeris yat hes gottin sic fauo'. Ye kinge zoure gracis fader schewis him euir weill my[ndit tow]art1 zoure grace sa lang as I am heire I salbe doand ye best I can to handill all thingis to youre gracis hono* and proffit as I sall answer to God and zoure grace and sall neuir tyire to do zoure grace good seruice as ye tyme and experience sall schew wt ye grace of god. I haue writtin to my lord secretarie presentlie tuiching sic writingis as I haue gottin fra maister James Salmond furt of rome anentis ye prouisioun of Melrose as to zoure gracis oyir materis yair, tuiching ye contributioun I haue spokin diuerse tymes to ye papis ambassatour heire and hes writin to ye pape yairupoun bot hes gottin litill answer as yit and differris to do forthere in yai behalfis quhill I gett ansuer fra zoure grace of ye writtingis I send wt rettray and quhat zour grace commandis me to do in yat and all oyir behalfis I sall not faill to do my diligence wt ye grace of god. As to ye money of zour gracis counte of gyan I haue send up to rome VM frankis or yarby for ye expeditioun of Melrose and hes resauit my self iiii frankis quhilk ye merchandis suld refound agane to zoure grace ye laif yat is awand salbe gottin and gud compt maid yairof wt ye help of god I sall deliuer ye money of ye pensioun to Johne of Bartoun as 3our grace commandit at my departing. Schir as for nouellis heire, ye difference betuix ye empriour and ye king continewis ay and na apperence bot of evill among yame. The empriour departit ane moneth syne wyt ane gret army be sey eftere yat he had spokin wyt ye pape in lowk and It wes belevit yane yat he wes passit to ergeire and now it is suspectit heire yat he suld tak ye woyage to constantyneople quhilk is ane grete mater and not wout intelligence wt ye soffe and suabe. The Turk is zit in Hungarie and reteris him for yis wintir bot he levis ane grete army yaire and in almanze. At my cummyne to Paris I sall send hame zour gracis harnes wt sic oyir thing zoure grace gaif me in memorial. I thank goure grace ryt humilie of goure gud and graciouse writing send to me. I can do na forthere for recompance bot I sall waire ye body and gudis yat god hes gevin me in zoure gracis seruice wt trew hert. And sanct andro preserue zoure grace eternally. of Dongeoune ye xxv day of october. [Signed]: 3 gracis awne maist [Addressed]: To the Kingis grace. humill seruiter off Sanct Andr'. 1 The surface of the paper is worn away here. Sir Thomas More in his English Works HE passing of four centuries has not sufficed to remove the career and memory of Sir Thomas More from the region of heated discussion. Everything that concerns him, the fame attaching to his literary ventures and friendships, the part played by him in great events, the religious passions which stormed round his latter days, the very martyrdom itself, adds to the controversy, and makes it easier to attain picturesque effects than to give a complete portrait of the man, correct in its every detail. To attempt a rectification of so exciting a calculation in controversial psychology from the actual records of the fray, and to weave from the many pages of More's English writings an accurate conception of More's mind, may savour of paradox. But the experiment is worth trial. More had a capacity for putting himself into all he wrote, and the fourteen hundred pages printed for William Rastell, in 1557, include work, from his first youthful sallies, down to the last tragic lines written in charcoal from the Tower to his daughter Margaret. It is true that almost the whole volume is devoted to theological debate; but, in theology laymen have a way of revealing more than their theological opinions, and Thomas More was peculiarly free from the strict methods of the divinity schools. Even the casual references and asides of the book have significance for the study of its author. Indeed, in any final portrait of the man, the English works must claim their place along with Erasmus's letters, Holbein's portraits, the Utopia, and Roper's Life as essential data; and as such, they demand careful, unprejudiced, imaginative study. Yet appreciators of Utopia have failed to temper their eulogies of emancipated intellect by even a partial study of these pages; and apologists have inclined to draw from them rather food for argument than a knowledge of the truth. 'When this towardly youth,' says Cresacre More, was come to the age of eighteen years, he began to show to the world his ripeness of wit; for he wrote many witty and goodly epigrams, which are to be seen in the beginning of his English works."1 It is hardly fair to remember against More the sins of his youth, but the earlier pages of Rastell's great volume may at least remind us of the brilliant young man of Henry VII.'s reign, concerning whose marvellous future Cardinal Morton had spoken so confidently. Apart from the jesting or sententious poems, the volume reveals More, even before Utopia had set him among the Renaissance leaders, as the fervent admirer of another Renaissance youth, that singular layman, John Picus, Earl of Mirandula'; and, in the fragment on Richard III., as an historian of quite unusual promise. Although the bulk of the English writings is of a date fully ten years later than the period of Utopia, these preliminary fragments and essays supplement the earlier record, and throw light on More's Renaissance and literary fervours. But students of More are less interested in elaborating the details of his Renaissance fancies, than in reconciling, if it be possible, the scholar in him with the saint, and in connecting the mood which produced Utopia, with these later serious and argumentative pages. The problem lies in a supposed intellectual cataclysm in More's life; the end to be sought, some selfconsistent reconstruction of the man's mental life. The difficulty hinges on the Utopia and inferences drawn from it. The book seems admirably fitted to stand as the gospel of a new intellectual faith, with its gleams of wonder caught from the discoveries of that day, its instinctive love of things literary, and its wilfully un-Saxon capacity for intellectual conceptions. The ingenious mind finds in the Utopia proof after proof of what must be labelled Renaissance wares; and its publication assuredly established More's reputation in Europe, as the most elegant English writer of the day, and the prophet of a new advance in culture. Scholars spoke of the honour More had done to England, and desired either introductions to him, or descriptions of his person and life. Erasmus himself, after its publication, lamented that More had not set himself to head the intellectual world, and, even at his death, learned Europe lamented the loss of intellectual as much as of moral force. Here, then, is a book most distinctively progressive and ideal in its doctrines; and here, too, a definite impression made through it on Europe, that its author had a vital connection with that radical intellectual change, 1 The Life of Sir Thomas More, by his great-grandson, Cresacre More, p. 24. Edited by the Rev. Joseph Hunter. (London, 1828.) |