at once the illegality of the act, and not only ordered that proceeding of the kirk session to be erased from the books, but cited the individuals who had originated it to appear before them, and answer for their conduct. The parties did appear before the presbytery, acknowledged the irregularity they had committed, and expressed their regret; the presbytery put an end to the whole proceeding, declaring themselves satisfied with the acknowledgment that had so been made. He could not, therefore, help saying, that after everything which had taken place, it was now quite too late to bring the matter forward in Parliament. Then came another circumstance by no means connected with the other. The proceeding against the chaplain had nothing to do with the proceeding in the kirk session; they were quite independent of each other. In this case, the colonel of the Yeomanry corps of the county of Kirkcudbright made application to a gentleman, who was the chaplain of that corps, in order to know whether he should think it his duty to pray for the Queen in public or not? The chaplain, for reasons best known to himself, did not think proper to answer that application, which he (the Lord Advocate) could not help regretting, as it might have prevented what followed. In justification of the colonel, he, for one, could not blame him very deeply for his extreme anxiety on such a sub. ject. Upon the return of the chaplain, that officer communicated to him that he must consider himself under arrest. That arrest was continued; it was not a close one, but he was confined within the limits of the county. It lasted, altogether, for about three weeks, in order to allow time for the colonel to ascertain the sentiments of government upon the

business. The noble lord spoke of such a communication having been made to him (the Lord Advocate.) This was wrong; it was made to the Lord Lieutenant of the county, and by him referred to Lord Sidmouth, as Secretary of State. Lord Sidmouth, undoubtedly, did communicate to the Lord Lieutenant, that the government would not interfere. The colonel of the regiment then informed the chaplain that his arrest was at an end. Upon these facts, and the refusal of government to interfere, surely this was a matter not proper to be brought forward in parliament. He had been informed that the injured party meant to bring his action at law against the officer; and surely this was the legal and proper mode of proceeding.

Sir James Mackintosh was led to make a few observations on the candid speeches of the gentlemen on both sides, by that warm affection for the interest of Scotland, which neither the lapse of time, the distance, nor occupation, could ever eradicate from his bosom. He considered the speech of Lord A. Hamilton as thoroughly conclusive. He took a view of the constitution of the Church of Scotland, which acknowledged no head upon earth, and was entirely independent of government. It was not his wish to dispute the authority of an act of parliament; but that of Anne appeared to him clearly to be temporary in its nature and provisions. The convictions to which the learned lord alluded were ill chosen. They took place during the four years that passed between two rebellions; before the ashes of one rebellion were cold, and while a new one was kindling-when every thing concurred to disturb the calm administra tion of justice. The whole question before the House had been waived

of her name, her claim would have been irresistible, and he would not have been under the necessity of relinquishing at present his motion for bringing it forward. There was a point to which he could not forbear drawing the serious attention of their lordships. It would be a great calamity, at least it ought to be so appreciated by all those who were anxious for the security of our establishment, if the members of the Established Church, who ought to find in its bosom the oblivion of all political differences, were driven out of its pale by being daily reminded, by the omission of the Queen's name, of those unfortunate circumstances in which the Sovereign and his Consort were placed, and which had disgraced the country. He was informed that the 'consequence of that omission, had already been a considerable secession from the Established Church, and he believed it. He even understood that one of those reverend gentlemen who mingled politics with their sacred functions, had been under the necessity of exhorting his congregation, because he had found that a very great secession had taken place in consequence of the religious feelings of pious Christians being shocked by the omission of her Majesty's name in the Liturgy.

The Lord Chancellor conceived there could be no doubt whatever as to the legality of the exclusion. The Archbishop of Canterbury apprehended, if there had been any secession on this ground, of which he had never heard, it must have been from political only, not from religious, motives. Lord Ellenborough said, when he considered her Majesty's conduct, he could not see any ground which entitled her to such a favour as to be allowed so large an income. When he -looked at that conduct as it had been proved at the Bar of the House;

when he looked at her replies to addresses, and her letter to his Majesty, he could not think that the munificent provision now proposed would be employed as it was meant, to support the dignity of the situation and character of Queen. He feared, on the contrary, that whether at home or abroad, so large a provision would only enable her to disgrace still more deeply than she had done, the high situation which she held. He conceived that motives of economy might also be taken into account. At the same time he did not think it expedient to propose a lesser sum, at the risk of occasioning a contest between the two Houses of Parliament, and reviving discussions which the public interest demanded should no longer be agitated. He wished to do nothing which might prevent her Majesty' from falling as soon as possible into that oblivion to which she ought to be consigned. When this bill should have passed, he trusted that the House would have got rid of the subject altogether; that it would no longer disturb Parliament. This he thought formed the great benefit of throwing out the bill of Pains and Penalties, which pending, the irritation of the country would never have subsided. He trusted that the Queen would not, for the sake of keeping up that irritation, refuse the magnificent provision made for her by Parliament, and prefer becoming the pensioner of a party.

The Marquis of Lansdowne was prepared to accede to the grant, and was happy that his noble friend, Earl Darnley, had followed his recommendation, of not pressing any motion on the subject. Disapproving of the Queen's letter to the King, and of her answers to addresses, he still thought much allowance was to be made for the situation in which she had been placed. If, in the pro

ceedings instituted against her, she had found in the Peers of England, persons not confining themselves to the duties of peers, but exercising the functions of prosecutors-if she had been led to think that a process new to the constitution, had been set on foot by ministers against her, and sanctioned by that House, he was bound to say that improprieties in her conduct since her arrival in this country there might have been, but no member of that House, after the abandonment in which she had been left in point of dignity and comfort, ought to wish her to be made responsible for them. He, therefore, did not object to the present grant; and he thought that her Majesty, not being called upon to wave her claim

to the insertion of her name in the Liturgy, was not bound to refuse the money. She had been ill-advised to refuse it, and he still trusted she would be well-advised to accept it.

The bill passed without any farther observation or discussion.

The bill having thus been carried through all its stages, received the royal assent, and waited only the Queen's acceptance of the sum thus voted. This acceptance, after some delay, and notwithstanding the contrary recommendation of injudicious advisers, she was wise enough to grant. Thus this long series of proceedings, which, during more than six months, had agitated the House and the nation, was brought to a final termination.

THE agitation of the House and the country on this painful question being brought to a period, the chief subject of contest during the remainder of the session, was the standing subject of finance. On this field a new combatant had recently appeared, who, by activity and determination, soon thrust himself forward into a conspicuous place. We took once occasion to complain of the popular chiefs as advancing charges which were too vague, too sweeping, and never laying their finger upon any real or practical grievance. This charge is certainly redeemed by Mr Hume, who can be accused of nothing but the excess of minuteness. If the others attacked no detail, he attacks indiscriminately every detail. somewhere, we think, lays it down as a maxim, to advance all the charges which he has heard, or can think of, taking the chance of being able to make good some one or other of them. He has thus brought forward many rash assertions, and inaccurate calculations; yet, presenting an immovable front to all the buffets with which he was overwhelmed, he con

He

tinued to press towards his point. As money is the subject on which the House shews itself always the most sensitive, and on which it divides stronger against ministers than on any other, he was sure of support whenever he had got any good ground to stand upon. His disputations, hence, though too much multiplied, and often trifling, had the effect of introducing a more systematic plan of keeping accounts, and a more rigid determination to practise economy than heretofore. Our readers, therefore, will not, we suppose, be unwilling to follow this determined investigator through the narrative of his multifarious career during the present session.

The financial campaign was opened on the 1st February by Mr Maberly, who moved for a variety of accounts relative to the sinking fund. Its nominal amount of 17,000,000, he observed, was rendered nugatory by a loan of 12,000,000l., which reduced its real amount to 5,000,000l. He urged that this fictitious system should be done away with, and the sinking fund stated in the public ac