southern part of the Roman States, between the province of Abruzzi and the Mediterranean.

The King, meantime, openly espoused and supported the views of the allied powers. In order to dissipate the salutary fiction of the government, by which he was held to be in a state of restraint, he set out for Naples, and sent before him a proclamation, in which he ordered all his subjects, and his armies by land and sea, to consider and receive the Austrian army advancing towards Naples, as friends, who acted only for the true interests of the kingdom. Far from intending to punish or subjugate them, they had no view but to unite themselves with the Neapolitan armies, in securing tranquillity, and protecting the true friends of the good of their country, the faithful subjects of their King.

Under these circumstances, General Pepe, whose disposition impelled him to enterprize, had obtained permission to make inroads into the Roman States, and endeavour to excite them to insurrection. Already a band of 300 or 400 refugees had entered from the north of the Abruzzi, and, under the title of the "Patriotic Union for the Roman States," had hoisted the standard of the Carbonari, and proclaimed the Spanish constitution; but they were soon dispersed and driven back by a detachment of troops. On the 20th February, however, General Pepe advanced and occupied Rieti ; thence pushed forward to Terni, and even threatened the bridge of Otricoli, when a body of cavalry, forming the vanguard of the Austrians, made its appearance. The Neapolitan general then prudently withdrew, evacuating all the positions which he had occupied beyond his own territory.

Frimont now advanced, and, on the 24th, established his head-quarters at Rieti. From this point he immediate ly began to disperse on all sides the

proclamations of the King of Naples and the allied sovereigns. He made here a considerable pause, the object of which was, doubtless, in some degree, to await the effect of these proclamations; but there are appearances as if he felt also the Neapolitan preparations as somewhat imposing. He seems at length to have formed the resolution to avail himself of the insulated position of the Abruzzi, and began to draw all his troops round the entrances into that province, with the view of separately attacking and destroying the army of General Pepe. He could then march down, though by a circuitous route, upon Naples, and would only have to cope with the army of Carascosa, discouraged by the disastrous opening of the campaign.

It was in these circumstances that General Pepe determined to make an attack on the Austrians. No argument which he has used in his narrative can convince us, that this step was not as imprudent as it proved to be fatal. The plan of committing his tumultuary militia to a conflict in the field with so fine a veteran army, is so palpably erroneous, that he does not even attempt to defend it in the abstract. The only statement to which we can attach any importance is, that, in consequence of the Austrian proclamations, and of the new hardships of a military life, there had been some disbanding in the militia, and he apprehended that a few days of inaction, or of retreat, would have rendered that disbanding general. If this was so, the case was at all events desperate, and he might take the possibilities of an engagement. But we doubt the strict precision of these statements, when we find him, in the same breath, declaring that his system was defensive, and that he had in view merely a reconnoissance; a term surely never before applied to a general attack with a whole army. Even a partial advantage, we suspect, could have

been of no real benefit to the Neapolitans, but would rather have tended the more to drive them from that defensive system, in which lay their only chance of success.

In pursuance of his resolution, Pepe collected, on the 6th, at Civita Ducali, a force of 3000 regulars, and 7000 militia, and, on the morning of the 7th, attacked the Austrian posts at Rieti. It appears that the conflict was carried on for several hours by the Neapolitans with very considerable vigour, and that they repelled very formidable charges of Austrian cavalry. Ultimately, however, the issue was such as it could not fail to be. The Austrians having moved a corps on his right flank, he found himself under the necessity of retreating. The movement was executed in good order by the regular troops; but, among the militia, as usual with new troops, in such circumstances, alarm and dispersion soon began to spread. Pepe, however, was able to keep together a number sufficient to cover his retreat among the mountains. Darkness augmented the panic among these undisciplined forces; dismay and disorder reigned through the whole of that fatal night. The morning dawned; and Pepe saw scarcely a wreck of the army which formed the main hope of Neapolitan independence. It was with difficulty that a few hundred men could be collected to defend the pass of Antrodocco, by which the enemy were preparing to enter the Abruzzi. He then hastened to Aquila, the capital of the province, in hopes of collecting the scattered bands, and organizing a new plan of defence.

Frimont, to whom this action laid open the weakness of the enemy, lost not a moment in following up his advantage. On the 9th, he attacked Antrodocco,which was vigorously defend. ed by General Russo, who yielded only to those superior numbers, which

enabled the enemy to turn his position. Pepe could not rally a single battalion; even those which were marching to reinforce him, alarmed by the crowd of fugitives, and the reports which they spread, followed the example of dispersion. On the 10th, the Austrians entered Aquila, where they were well received by the friends of the King, who alone ventured to appear at this moment.

Frimont spent a short interval in clearing the neighbourhood of Aquila of any detached bands which still kept together. He then began his march to attack the army covering Naples, which had now posted itself behind the Garigliano. But, before he reached the Garig. liano, there was no longer an army to attack. In what manner this large force, which was boasted of by the Neapolitans, as capable of contending with the first military power in Europe, instantaneously vanished, has never yet been fully disclosed. It is only known, that the whole, in one mass, broke up, and set out for their houses. It seems vain, after such an issue, to set forth the Neapolitan troops as an army of heroes. It is said, indeed, that similar examples of dispersion were frequent in the first periods of the Spanish, and even of the French revolution. But, though these nations certainly presented repeated instances of tumultuary flight from the field of battle, we recollect no instances of flying before having seen an enemy. It must be confessed, however, that there were some circumstances tending to palliate at least this extraordinary display of pusillanimity. The appearance of an army acting under the authority of the King, and the dispersion of his proclamations, forbidding resistance, had shaken the firmness of the troops, had spread general mistrust and suspicion through all. All the roads were crowded with fugitives from the fatal field of Rieti, who, to excuse their own

and

flight and dispersion, represented, in the most exaggerated colours, the disasters of the Abruzzi. There appears to have prevailed, prior to the dispersion, a total confusion and insubordination; and, though General Pepe denies the fact of the troops having turned their arms against their officers, it seems confirmed by a dispatch publish. ed at the time by Carascosa. Before the Austrians reached the Garigliano, nothing remained of that mighty armament, except the royal guards, who shut themselves up in Capua, declaring their intention to obey the orders of the King; and two or three battalions, which embraced the same party, and joined the invaders. The war was terminated.

At Naples, during this series of disaster, all was confusion and agitation. An individual, Gian Pietro, who had made a festival to celebrate the approach of the Austrians, was stabbed with a dagger marked with the number I., as if to intimate that more were in readiness against those who should manifest a similar disposition. On the 8th, the Prince, who, to display his zeal, had undertaken to place himself at the head of the army, set out for Capua. There, during the night of the 9th, he learned the disaster at Rieti. Next day, General Carascosa proceeded to change his position in consequence, when his army fell into a confusion, which prognosticated the entire breaking up which followed. The Prince returned to Naples, and, on seeing the disastrous turn of affairs, seems to have thought only of effecting a reconciliation with his father and with the allies. He was aided in these views by Florestan Pepe, who had adopted a course of policy quite opposite to that of his brother William. The latter has tened to Naples, and urged the forma. tion of a new plan for the defence of the kingdom; that the parliament and the royal family should retire into Sicily;

that a new army should be reorganized at Salerno, and, if necessary, should retire upon the Calabrias, where they might reckon upon a general rising. These views were overruled; and, though the general received at first permission to assemble a corps at Salerno, counter-orders were afterwards issued. On the 12th, the parliament were induced by the Prince and the royalist party, to write a letter of submission to the King. After expressions of the warmest and most dutiful attachment, they recalled to him, in a respectful manner, all the pledges which he had given in favour of the constitution. These they gave as a reason for believing him to have been in a state of constraint, when he made communications of so contrary a tenor. They then concluded: "If your Majesty now thinks it desirable that we should deviate in some points from the system previously adopted, condescend to appear once more in the midst of your people-disclose to us, in full confidence, your real inclinations-and state frankly what ameliorations you think necessary in our present system. But let not foreigners, Sire-let not foreigners interpose between the people and their ruler. Let it not be said, that their presence was necessary to inspire with devotion, obedience, and fidelity, a people who love and respect their monarch. Let not our code be stained with the blood either of our enemies or of our brethren. Let your Majesty's throne be founded upon the hearts of your people, not upon the sword of the Oltramontani." It was far too late now to entertain any such hopes. The powers at Laybach had decided, in the most peremptory manner, that even the most unqualified submission was not to exempt Naples from the doom of foreign occupation. Having made the full attempt to resist, and failed only from want of courage, they became liable to all the penalties pronounced by that supreme

board of European judicature. The letter was carried by General Fardella, to the King, who was then at Florence. The Monarch received him well, and sent a courteous reply; in which, however, he took no notice of the demands so strongly, but vainly, urged by the parliament.

The unsatisfactory return of General Fardella, and the approach of the Austrian army, were nearly simultaneous. On the 20th, a suspension of hostilities with General Carascosa was agreed to; and, on the same day, the capitulation of Capua and Averza was signed. The Austrians were within only a day's march of Naples, when the final operation took place, of signing the capitulation of that city, including those of the fortresses of Gaeta and Pescara. In all these capitulations, the surrender was made to the King, and the garrisons introduced consisted partly of Austrians, partly of that part of the Neapolitan troops who were considered as worthy of confidence.

The fatal moment now approached, when the short-lived flame of Neapolitan freedom was to be for ever extinguished. The greater number of the members of parliament had fled, either to retired situations in the country, or beyond seas. There remained, however, a few firm spirits, who resolved to hold their station to the last. On the 19th March, the Deputy Poeirio urged, that, though the unheard of catastrophes which had befallen the army had deprived them of their strength, they had not diminished their rights. Before, therefore, a foreign army compelled them to separate, he called on them to protest before God and man for the independ. ence of the nation and the throne. A protest was therefore drawn up, in which, after stating the rights by which they exercised their functions, and the deplorable circumstances which were about to compel their suspension, they added, "We protest against the

violation of the law of nations; we reserve the rights of the nation and the King; we appeal to the wisdom of his Royal Highness, and his august father; and we commit the cause of the throne, and our national independence, into the hands of that God, who directs the destinies of kings and people." This chosen remnant were still sitting, while the Austrian vanguard entered the capital; and they remained till two, the usual hour of parting. They then separated for the last time; and an hour after, an armed force entered the hall.

The entrance of the Austrians into Naples, was accompanied by a royal edict, emitted at Florence on the 10th, by which six persons were named to administer the government till the arrival of the King. The utmost activity was now employed to undo all that the parliament and the chiefs of the revolution had done, during the last eight months. A decree of the 28th March, pronounced the sentence of death against all who, from this date, should enter the sect of the Carbonari, or who, being members, should continue to attend any of their meetings. All the volunteer and free corps, which had been instituted in the course of the revolution, were abolished, and the members ordered to give up their arms;— domiciliary visits were appointed to search for arms, and the severest penalties decreed against any in whose possession they should be found. Measures were at the same time taken to prosecute the authors and chief supporters of the revolution. The most obnoxious, among whom was General Pepe, had already left the kingdom, and repaired to Barcelona, where they experienced, not only protection, but a cordial welcome.

Naples, notwithstanding the total dissolution of its armies, was not entirely tranquil. Morelli, Coneiliri, Minichini, and other heads of the revolu

tion, endeavoured to collect the scattered fragments, to form them into guerillas, and carry on a desultory warfare. The Austrian troops, however, forming themselves into movable columns, and traversing the provinces where this new war was attempted, in a short time reduced them to subjection. A more serious effect was produced in Sicily. The Archbishop of Palermo and General Rossaroll proclaimed the abolition of royalty, and the establishment of a republic. Rossaroll, having obtained possession of Messina, assumed the title of General of the Constitutional Army of Sicily and Calabria. He embarked on the 2d April, with the view of carrying the war into Calabria; but, being opposed by a flotilla, which he had expected to aid him, he was obliged to return. On attempting to enter Messina, however, he found the gates shut, and the cannon turned against him. He had then nothing left but to set sail for Spain. In the view of keeping down similar movements, a detachment of 8000 men was immediately embarked for Palermo.

On the 15th May, the King made his entry into the capital. He now published a proclamation, in which he expressed, in very severe terms, the light in which he viewed the recent proceedings. The calamities and crimes which had taken place were numerous and grievous, and had produced in him a deep affliction. He professed, however, that no personal resentment would influence his decisions. The only thought which would occupy him, would be to banish, by days of peace and prosperity, the memory of those disastrous errors, by which some guilty men had stained the last pages of Neapolitan history. A council of enlightened men would be immediately formed, who, by sound fundamental laws, would secure to them every real good, and banish from their mind those chimerical projects, which could occasion

only bitter regret and lengthened adversity. They were warned, however, that nothing could avail without an inviolable attachment to the rights of the legitimate sovereignty, and to the order of things legally established.

The first steps taken by the King were, as might be expected, rather conformable to the temper which this proclamation displayed, than to the actual professions which it contained. Three days after, four courts martial were formed, to try the officers accused of being concerned in the affairs of Nola, Monteforte, and Aquillino; while the members of the parliament, who had distinguished themselves most by their patriotic zeal, were delivered into the hands of Austria, which immured them in strong castles on the German frontier.

Agreeably to the promise made by the King, a junta of consultation was immediately appointed, to prepare a new constitution; and it soon produced one as free certainly as the Neapolitans had reason to expect, after the valiant stand which they had made for their rights. This deliberative assembly was indeed appointed, with a member for each district in the kingdom; but when we state, that all these members were appointed by the King, and removable by him, nothing more need be said on the subject. This paternal Prince, indeed, exercised his administration with such a degree of rigour, that even Austria thought herself bound to interfere, and urge the adoption of more moderate policy as the only security for the maintenance of tranquillity. But the King, however acquiescent to the demands of his allies, when they went to re-establish and enlarge his own power, made a bold stand when they went to limit it in any degree. Austria could not insist, in any accordance with her principles, and was therefore obliged to leave the King to govern his dominions as he chose. Sicily, however, was now sepa