was decreed, that no foreigner should hold any office without the consent of the Cortes, and that the Count de Palmela, with certain other persons named, should not disembark along with the King. These resolutions were notified to his Majesty by a deputation, which had instructions to remain on board till the moment of landing. However injurious these measures must have been felt, no resentment was expressed; and, on the following day, before noon, the King landed in great pomp, and amid the acclamations of the people. After the service of Te Deum at the cathedral, he repaired to the hall of the Cortes, and made oath to the constitution with every shew of sincerity. Mutual speeches of congratulation then passed between the President and the King. Some expressions of the latter, however, appearing to imply, that he considered himself as sharing the legislative power with the Cortes, a representation was drawn up, pointing out the discrepancy between these expressions and the articles of the constitution. The King, in reply, used every assurance by which he could satisfy them of the absolute and unqualified manner in which he accepted the code presented to him.

As soon as the King had named a ministry, the Cortes dissolved the Regency, and declared him in the exercise of the executive functions of the government.

This change in the Portuguese constitution produced, from the first, a difficulty in maintaining diplomatic relations with the great monarchical potentates. This was increased by some accidental circumstances. In one of the constitutional rejoicings, the delegate from Rome, and, in another, the Russian consul, had their windows broken in consequence of a refusal to illuminate. Warm remonstrances were hereupon made by the Russian and Austrian ambassadors, who stated their determination not to illuminate on any such occasion, and demanded security, that they should experience no molestation. Receiving none which appeared to them satisfactory, they took their departure on the 22d of August, with all their suite, except a consul to watch over their commercial concerns. Apprehensions were entertained, that a rupture might be the consequence; but, though the relations with these powers remained in a precarious and unfriendly position, nothing occurred that amounted to open hostility.

THE last year closed that critical period which was to usher in the final catastrophe of the Neapolitan revolution. The King, whom we left at Florence, did not linger in that city, but, proceeding, even at this rigorous season, through the Venetian States, and across the Noric Alps, arrived on the 8th January at Laybach. The Emperors of Russia and Austria were already there. No negotiation ensued. The King was informed that no room was left for deliberation or discussion. The purpose of the monarchs was irrevocably formed, on no account to acknowledge or permit the state of things established in the kingdom of the two Sicilies. If, therefore, therevolutionary government, as there was reason to fear, should refuse to undo all its acts, and to resign its self-assumed existence, all the resources of both empires were to be employed in putting it down by force of arms. It was added, that the alarm and danger into which this revolution had thrown the neighbouring states, rendered it indispensable that they should call up

on Naples for some guarantee of its fu ture tranquillity. This could only be afforded by the temporary occupation of its territory by Austrian troops; a measure which would in no degree touch on national independence. This measure was at all events finally resolved upon; but, in case of unconditional submission on the part of the Neapolitans, the troops thus quartered would be maintained at the expense of the power to which they belonged; while, in the event of resistance, the funds must be supplied by Naples herself. The King having then inquired, what system was to be substituted for that which the monarchs were determined to overthrow; the reply was, that it must rest solely and absolutely with himself, acting on the advice of the persons whom he might judge best qualified to give to his people the constitution which might to him appear best calculated to promote their welfare. The King represents himself as having earnestly attempted to obtain some modification of these purposes, approximating to the engagements which he

had so solemnly taken; but, finding the determinations of his august brethren immovable, he gave his oaths to the wind, and meekly resigned himself to the fatal necessity of being reestablished in all the plenitude of absolute power.

The unfortunate Neapolitans, meantime, were awaiting, with intense anxiety, the issue, which they might have so well foreseen, of this inauspicious journey. Little satisfaction was afforded by the King's first letter, in which he merely spoke of the amusement he found in hunting, and the superiority of his dogs to those of the Emperor Alexander. The want of information was fully supplied by the next, dated the 20th January, in which he communicated all the above particulars, stating, that it was out of his power, and, he believed, out of any human power, to obtain a different result; and that no alternative appeared to be left, but that of seeking, if possible, to avert the calamities of war, by an unqualified acquiescence. The Duke de Gallo, minister at war, who had accompanied the King, wrote soon after to the same effect. He had been detained from proceeding to Laybach till everything was fixed. The King then, in reply to every argument he could use, urged the total impossibility of altering the determination of the Congress. The Duke was also admitted to a general meeting of the ministers plenipotentiary, but merely to hear from M. de Metternich, the immutable determination formed by the allied courts, without being allowed to urge anything in reply. He found that Russia, Austria, and Prussia, took the lead in this resolution, and were prepared to support it by the most active measures. France passively concurred. Britain professed a strict neutrality; and her minister was present merely as a spectator.

Austria no longer lost any time in

acting upon the principles thus peremptorily announced, and which she justified, in a long declaration, published at Verona on the 13th February. The army in Upper Italy, amounting to between 50 and 60,000 men, was placed under the command of General Frimont, and received immediate orders to pass the Po. It was in the most formidable state. The long continued war, so recently terminated, had given to it a completely hardy and veteran character; while a sufficient interval of peace had elapsed, to fill up its ranks, and place it in the highest state of equipment and discipline.

On the 4th February, Frimont, from his head quarters at Padua, published a proclamation, announcing to the army the immediate intention of crossing the Po. They were strongly recommended to maintain order and discipline, both in passing through the territories of friendly powers, and after they had crossed the Neapolitan frontier. Only the enemies of public tranquillity, only rebels to their King, would oppose any resistance; but they would in vain attempt to obstruct the salutary object which this army was destined to accomplish. The consequences would fall on their own heads, not upon those of loyal and peaceable citizens.

On the following day, the whole army broke up and passed the Po, at or near Cremona, where the entire body directed its march upon Bologna. On reaching that city, it split into two great divisions, one of which proceeded eastward through the Marches, upon Ancona, while the other directed its course to the west, by Florence and Rome.

These communications, and the measures founded upon them, could not fail to throw Naples into the utmost agitation. All hopes of preserving her constitution, at any price but that of

a war with the great powers, were now at an end. The Prince, however, made no hesitation in declaring his determination to support the constitutional system; and, in a council of ministers, declared himself ready to share the dangers and destinies of the nation; to expose his own life, and what was still dearer to him, the lives of his family, in defending its rights, independence, and honour. It was then determined to consider the declaration of the King, as not having emanated from his free will, and consequently not binding upon his subjects. At the same time, orders were issued for placing the regular army in a full state of activity, and for reinforcing it with 50,000 militia, or legionary soldiers. As some jealousy was inspired by the presence both of a French and English squadron in the Bay, the ambassadors of the two powers were called upon to explain the motives for which they were stationed there. Both replied, that their instructions, in the event of the approaching war, were to observe the strictest neutrality, unless, contrary to expectation, any steps were taken, affecting the personal safety of the royal family.

The session of Parliament had closed on the 31st January; but, according to the constitution, a permanent deputation was left, to which the Prince immediately communicated the dispatches from Laybach, and his own determination to adhere to the national cause. The deputation lost no time in convoking an extraordinary session, which was effected, without delay, as all the members, foreseeing such a call, had remained in the capital. The parliament accordingly met on the 13th, and was opened by a speech from the Prince, in which he reiterated his expressions of attachment to the constitution. They immediately decided, that the propositions made by the Allied Powers, could on no account be

accepted, as tending to the destruction of the constitution, and the occupation of the kingdom by foreign troops; that every act performed by the King, contrary to the oaths formerly taken by him, was to be considered as done under constraint; and that the most vigorous steps should be taken to save the nation.

The parliament now began instantly to apply themselves to military preparation. Unfortunately it was for the first time; for everything most urgently required for the national defence, had been hitherto omitted. No commander in chief was appointed; no plan of operations had been formed; no magazines, no hospitals, no means of subsistence. Nothing had been done to clothe, arm, or discipline the militia. Letters from London, offering supplies of arms and ammunition, to be paid for at a convenient time, had remained unanswered; and Sir Robert Wilson's overtures of personal service had met with the same reception. The treasury was empty; and a forced loan of 3,000,000 ducats was found difficult to levy. However, the government seemed now resolved to do its utmost to repair former neglect. The militia, whatever their subsequent conduct might be, were not slow in obeying the call to repair to the frontier. A large force, such as it was, was consequently assembled, and it only remained to distribute it in the most prudent and advantageous manner.

The frontier line to be defended, be gan at Fonde, and extended first westward along the southern boundary of the Terra di Savoro, then, changing its direction, it stretched from south to north, along the western frontier of the Abruzzi. With a view to its de fence, the army was divided into two great corps, one of which, stationed in the Terra di Savoro, had its head quarters at San Germano, and covered the most direct and easy route, from

the Roman States to the capital. The road, which was partly cut through extensive marshes, had been inundated and broken up in such a manner, as to render the approach very difficult. This army was the most numerous, and contained the largest proportion of disciplined troops; it was commanded by General Carascosa, having under him Filangieri, Ambrosio, and other officers of some distinction. The second corps occupied the Abruzzi, and was commanded by General Pepe. Though inferior in number, and composed chiefly of militia, yet, from the strength of the country, the bravery of its peasantry, and the reputation of the general, it was supposed by many to present the most formidable barrier to the invading army.

The defensive line thus occupied by the Neapolitan armies, might, in some respects, be considered as strong; yet it laboured under a deep and almost irremediable defect. The Abruzzi, by their position, form scarcely an integral part of the kingdom of Naples. They are about an hundred miles in advance of the rest, occupying one side of Italy; while the Roman States fill the other. The consequence is, that the corps defending these provinces was almost entirely insulated from that which covered the capital, as it was only by a very long and circuitous line, that they were able to communicate. It was difficult to devise a scheme for remedying this disadvantage. The main army might have advanced upon Rome, and thus placed itself in a line with that of General Pepe; but, besides that there was scarcely time for such an operation, it was inconsistent with any plan of defensive warfare, and could only be supported by committing the troops immediately in a general engagement. The whole force, again, might have pushed forward into the Abruzzi, and placed itself on the ene

my's flank; but this would have left open the road to the capital, upon which the Austrians would probably have marched, without any apprehension from so undisciplined an army behind them. The best plan, therefore, after all, would probably have been, to concentrate all their regular and effective force in front of Naples, leaving militia corps to occupy the fortresses and defiles of the Abruzzi, which it would have been contrary to the policy of the Austrian troops to spend their time in forcing.

There are only two modes of warfare in which new troops can make head against disciplined armies. One is, in the defence of fortresses; the other, in irregular warfare among mountainous tracts. In attempting to engage on the plain, they are inevitably overwhelmed. The Neapolitans, who had few strong fortresses, ought to have looked upon the mountains, which cover so great a part of their kingdom, as their main bulwark. They ought either to have abandoned the capital, or to have converted it into an entrench. ed camp, and defended it like Saragossa. But there was no commanding mind, to take a bold and decisive view of their situation. They thought only of carrying on war according to its regular routine between disciplined armies; a system which they could not adopt with any chance of success.

The Austrian army, meantime, was proceeding by forced marches through Italy. The right wing, under the commander in chief, took its course by Florence, Sienna, and Rome. This last city it did not enter, at the particular request of the Pope, but passed close to its walls. The left wing, under Count Walmoden, proceeded along the Adriatic, to Ancona, then turned to the left, upon Urbino and Spoleto. Before the end of February, the whole Austrian force was concentrated in the