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made in anthropological research in other countries than our own. The numerous workers on this subject in the United States of America are, with great assistance from the Government, very properly devoting themselves to exploring, collecting, and publishing, in a systematic and exhaustive manner, every fact that can still be discovered relating to the history, language, and characters of the aboriginal population of their own land. They have in this a clear duty set before them, and they are doing it in splendid style. I wish we could say that the same has been done with all the native populations in various parts of the world which have been, to use a current phrase, disestablished and disendowed' by our own countrymen. We are, however, now, as I have shown, not altogether unmindful of what is our duty to posterity in this respect; a duty, perhaps, more urgent than that of any other branch of scientific investigation, as it will not wait. It must be done, if ever, before the rapid spread of civilised man all over the world, one of the most remarkable characteristics of the age in which we live, has obliterated what still remains of the original customs, arts, and beliefs of primitive races; if, indeed, it has not succeeded-as it too often does-in obliterating the races themselves.

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The following Reports and Papers were read :

1. The Report of the Anthropometric Laboratory Committee.
See Reports, p. 444.

2. The Report of the Ethnographical Survey Committee.
See Reports, p. 419.

3. The Report of the Committee on Anthropometry in Schools.
See Reports, p. 439.

4. On the Diffusion of Mythical Beliefs as Evidence in the History of Culture. By EDWARD B. TYLOR, D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S.

The purpose of this communication was to illustrate and systematise the use of correspondence in culture as means of tracing lines of connection and intercourse between ancient and remote peoples. Mythical beliefs are especially referred to as furnishing good evidence of this class, notwithstanding their want of objective value. The conception of weighing in a spiritual balance in the judgment of the dead, which makes its earliest appearance in the Egyptian religion, was traced thence into a series of variants, serving to draw lines of intercourse through the Vedic and Zoroastrian religions, extending from Eastern Buddhism to Western Christendom. The associated doctrine of the Bridge of the Dead, which separates the good, who pass over, from the wicked, who fall into the abyss, appears first in ancient Persian religion, reaching in like manner to the extremities of Asia and Europe. By these mythical beliefs historical ties are practically constituted, connecting the great religions of the world, and serving as lines along which their interdependence is to be followed out. Evidence of the same kind was brought forward in support of the theory, not sufficiently recognised by writers on culture history, of the Asiatic influences under which the pra-Columbian culture of America took shape. In the religion of old Mexico four great scenes in the journey of the soul in the land of the dead are mentioned by early Spanish writers after the conquest, and are depicted in a group in the Aztec picture-writing known as the Vatican Codex. The four scenes are, first, the crossing of the river; second, the fearful passage of the soul between the two mountains which clash together; third, the soul's climbing up the mountain set with sharp obsidian knives; fourth,

the dangers of the wind carrying such knives on its blast. The Mexican pictures of these four scenes were compared with more or less closely corresponding pictures representing scenes from the Buddhist hells or purgatories as depicted on Japanese temple scrolls. Here, first, the river of death is shown, where the souls wade across; second, the souls have to pass between two huge iron mountains, which are pushed together by two demons; third, the guilty souls climb the mountain of knives, whose blades cut their hands and feet; fourth, fierce blasts of wind drive against their lacerated forms, the blades of knives flying through the air. It was argued that the appearance of analogues so close and complex of Buddhist ideas in Mexico constituted a correspondence of so high an order as to preclude any explanation except direct transmission from one religion to another. The writer, referring also to Humboldt's argument from the calendars and mythic catastrophes in Mexico and Asia, and to the correspondence in Bronze Age work and in games in both regions, expressed the opinion that on these cumulative proofs anthropologists might well feel justified in treating the nations of America as having reached their level of culture under Asiatic influence.

5. On Complexional Differences between Natives of Ireland with Indigenous and Exotic Surnames respectively. By JOHN BEddoe, M.D., LL.D., F.R.S.

Taking his data chiefly from the military reports, the author shows that while the former class of Irishmen are largely characterised by the prevalence of light eyes and dark hair, in the latter dark hair is much less frequent. He suggests that a simple mixture of Englishmen, Scotchmen, &c., with the natives should have also decidedly increased the proportion of dark eyes, which has not been the case to any considerable extent; and that the influence of climate, which, if operative at all, should tell in favour of the blonde complexion, may have had some effect upon an unstable cross-breed.

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FRIDAY, AUGUST 10.

The following Reports and Papers were read:

1. The Report of the Committee on Prehistoric and Ancient Remains in Glamorganshire.-See Reports, p. 418.

2. The Report of the Committee on the Exploration of Elbolton Cave. See Reports, p. 270.

3. The Report of the Committee on the Explorations at Oldbury Hill.

4. On the Evolution of Stone Implements. By H. STOPES.

The author defined an 'Implement' to be any stone used to facilitate man's actions, not necessarily made, but used; use being determined by wear. By 'Evolution' be meant a series of improvements in flint implements, the result of mental processes and widening experience, though points are reached in all developments, beyond which advance on the same lines stops.

The earliest tools were any chance natural stones used for breaking, bruising, or hammering. Traces of use are not perceived on these unless they were frequently used, when they became worn or polished. The next step was the selection of stones suitable for given purposes, and convenient to be held in the hand. The only signs these show of being implements are also marks of wear. The author showed many such specimens, and referred to the collection of Mr. Harrison, of Ightham. Natural stones were next gradually trimmed for use by a few strokes. These also were illustrated by a series of what the author termed 'transitional' forms, as they are intermediate between the selected and used, and the worked and used, or Paleolithic implements. The transitional stones are frequently large and rough, generally left-handed, and with thick patination. The terms Palæolithic and Neolithic have become indefinite. Many of the Paleoliths are evidently meant for handles, and some of them are of finer work than the Neoliths. Specimens were shown from many localities, but chiefly from the upper-level gravels of Kent, from 80 feet to 300 feet above the O.D., including anvils, hammers, anchors, net-weights, single- and double-pointed drills or borers, gyrators, axes, spokeshaves, fabricators and arrow-heads; and their parallels were shown from each period. These are the types of many of the steel tools of to-day. A set of sharp-pointed axes having a spiral twist were shown to be developed into the peculiar gyrators of the rock-shelter men, found also amongst the gravels of Swanscomb. Specially instructive are the natural but used stones. Fully half of these show no bulb of percussion. These invaluable records are fast disappearing from free use for concrete and road metal. The importance of preserving worked stones for the use of future students, and the value to the critic of being able to compare a large series together, in order to form just conclusions, were pointed out.

5. A Joint Discussion with Section C on the Plateau Flint Implements of North Kent was held, for which see p. 651.

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1. The Report of the Committee on the Mental and Physical Condition of Children.-See Reports, p. 434.

2. On a New System of Hieroglyphics and a Præ-Phænician Script from Crete and the Peloponnese. By ARTHUR J. EVANS, M.A.

The author said that the Mycenaean civilisation was in many respects the equal contemporary of those of Egypt and Babylonia, and they might well ask themselves, Was this civilisation wholly dumb? Homer, at least, contained a hint that some form of written symbols was in use.

During a journey to Greece in the preceding year Mr. Evans had obtained a clue to the existence of a peculiar kind of seal-stones-the chief find-spot of which seemed to be Crete-presenting symbols of a hieroglyphic nature. This spring he had been able to follow up his inquiries by the exploration of the ancient sites of Central and Eastern Crete, and the result of his researches had been to bring to

light a series of stones presenting pictographic symbols of the same nature, so that he was now able to put together over seventy symbols belonging to an independent hieroglyphic system. More than this, he had discovered, partly on stones of similar form, partly engraved on prehistoric vases and other materials, a series of linear characters, a certain proportion of which seemed to grow out of the pictorial forms. Both these systems of writing were represented as the diagrams exhibited. It would be seen that, as in the case of the Egyptian and Hittite symbols, the Cretan hieroglyphs fell into certain distinct classes, such as parts of the human body, arms and implements, animal and vegetable forms, objects relating to maritime life, astronomical and geometrical symbols. Some of them, such as the two crossed arms with expanded palms, belonged to that interesting class of pictographs which is rooted in primitive gesture language. The symbols occurred in groups, and there were traces of a boustrophedon arrangement in the several lines. The comparisons instituted showed some interesting affinities to Hittite forms. Among the tools represented, Mr. Evans was able to recognise the 'template' or 'templet' of a decorative artist, and, with the assistance of a model of this symbol taken in connection with a design supplied by a Mycenaean gem found in Crete, he was able to reconstruct a Mycenaæan painted ceiling analogous to those of Orchomenos and the eighteenth-dynasty Egyptian tombs of Thebes (circa 1600 B.c.).

The linear and more alphabetic series of symbols was shown to fit on to certain signs engraved on the walls of what was apparently a Mycenæan palace at Knôsos, and again to two groups of signs on vase-handles from Mycenae. It was thus possible to reconstruct a Mycenæan script of some twenty-four characters, each probably having a syllabic value. It further appeared that a large proportion of these were practically identical with the syllabic signs that survived among the Greeks of Cyprus to a comparatively late date. The Cypriote system threw a light on the phonetic value of the Mycenaan.

Resuming the results arrived at, Mr. Evans said that they had now before them two systems of primitive script-one pictographic, the other linear-both, as was shown by the collateral archæological evidence, belonging to the second millennium before our era, and to the days before the Phoenician alphabet had been introduced among the Greeks. Some pictorial forms, however, of the one series clearly appeared in a linear form in the other; the double axe, for instance, being seen in two stages of linearisation-the simpler form identical with the Cypriote character. On the whole, the pictographic or hieroglyphic series seemed more peculiarly indigenous to Crete, and the linear forms to be Mycenæan in the widest sense. The Eteocretans, or indigenous stock of the island, who preserved their language and nationality in the east of the island to the borders of the historic period, certainly used these hieroglyphs. Mr. Evans gave reasons, based on his recent archæological discoveries in Eastern Crete, for believing what had long been suspected on historic and linguistic grounds-that the Philistines who, according to unanimous Hebrew traditions, came from the Mediterranean islands, and who are often actually called Krethi in the Bible, represented in fact this old indigenous Cretan stock; and that they had here the relics and the writing of 'the Philistines at home.' On Egyptian monuments a people, who came from 'the islands of the sea,' are seen bearing tributary vases of forms, some of which recur on a whole series of engraved gems seen or collected by Mr. Evans in Eastern and Central Crete. Their dress, their peaked shoes, their long hair falling under their arms, all recurred on Cretan designs, representing the inhabitants of the island in Mycenaean times.

3. Exhibition of Prehistoric Objects collected during a Journey and Explorations in Central and Eastern Crete. By ARTHUR J. EVANS, M.A.

4. The Heredity of Acquired Characters. By Professor A. MACALISTER, M.D., F.R.S.

5. Notes on Skin, Hair, and Pigment. By Professor ARTHUR THOMSON, M.A.

6. On the Anthropological Significance of Ticklishness.
By LOUIS ROBINSON, M.D.

The ticklishness which is so marked in children, and which is associated with laughter, appears to be different from the ticklishness of the surface of the skin.

Its universal distribution indicates that it was at one time of importance, although at present it appears to fill no place in the animal economy.

It is found that in young apes, puppies, and other like animals, the most ticklish regions correspond to the most vulnerable spots in a fight. In the mock fights of immaturity, skill in defending these spots is attained.

In children, and in anthropoid apes which fight with their canine teeth, the most ticklish regions are practically identical. Young orangs and chimpanzees grin, and behave otherwise much like children when tickled.

It seems probable, therefore, that in the ticklishness of children we have a vestige of a state of racial development when the canine teeth were habitually used by our ancestors in war for mates or food.

7. On the Bow as a Musical Instrument. By H. BALFOUR, M.A.

The bow has been for a long while commonly accepted as the prototype of a large series of stringed musical instruments. Witness the Greek legend which attributed the first appreciation of the musical potentialities of a tense string to Apollo, who observed them in the twang of the bowstring. In India legend refers the invention of stringed instruments to Siva, who used a bow for musical purposes. In Japan the origin of the six-stringed koto is, in the legend of Amaterasu, traced to an extemporised instrument composed of six bows lashed together. So, too, modern writers have for the most part regarded the bow as a parent form of many of the instruments even of the highest types. Stages in the probable phylogenetic development of stringed instruments may be studied in the survivals of primitive forms still existing in various countries. Simplest of all is the monochord of the Damaras (Herero), extemporised from the ordinary shooting bow of the country by the addition of a string bracing the bowstring to the bow, and thus tightening it and dividing it into two parts, whose notes are elicited by tapping upon the string with a small stick. To increase the resonance the bow is held to the mouth of the performer. Stage 2 is represented in many parts of Africa by musical bows, still simple bows, very slightly modified for musical purposes only. These are either held in the teeth or to the mouth, or rested upon resonant bodies (gourds, &c.) to increase resonance. Stage 3 is that in which a resonator is attached to the bow, usually a gourd, as in the Zulu 'gubo.' Musical bows in these three stages occur from the Niger down the west of Africa to the Cape, and along the more easterly regions as far north as the Dohr or Bongo tribes. This distribution is nearly continuous. In Asia we meet at the present day with musical bows in forms corresponding with stage 2, as in the Pinaka of North India, a lightly made bow strung with fine string. Also the musical bow of the Bhuiyars (aboriginal) of Mirzapur, though this is an aberrant form. It seems likely that a musical bow almost identical with the bow and gourd resonator of South Africa exists in India, this observation being partly based upon a small figure of a man with such a bow in the Pitt-Rivers collection, and partly upon a study of forms which seem to have passed through such a stage. In the Malay regions we find musical bows used with or without resonators in the busoi' of Borneo, and in a simple form in

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