2 frase of each person condemned for a first offenes the bitual should have the right to suspend the mentetter fut five Fears; if daring this interval the accused gave ourson for H further prosecution, he was purged from his provions anfoner, and his judicial record remained clear. In the ease, however, of

a fresh conviction, he would have in the first instance to undergo his former sentence.

Several days were next occupied in noisy, but somewhat unpractical, discussions on the aid to be given to farmers whose autumn sowings had been destroyed by the severe winter frosts. The agricultural party, led by the President of the Customs Commission, M. Méline, brought the matter before the Chamber, but it was difficult to believe that the interest displayed was altogether philanthopic. A small amount of agitation on the subject had shown itself in the agricultural districts of the West and Centre, where the Monarchists had taken the lead; a number of Republican deputies thought this too good an electoral manœuvre to be left to their opponents, and hastened to bring the matter before the Chamber. The Protectionists demanded that those who had suffered from the frosts should be released from the payment of the Land Tax. This concession, however, would have involved too serious a loss to the revenue, so was rejected; but at the same time the Boulangists seized the opportunity of proposing that all Frenchmen paying a rental of less than 200 francs per annum should be exempted from House Tax. This proposal was rejected by 336 to 145 votes, and M. Méline and his 144 colleagues had to content themselves with a small subsidy of 6 millions which the Senate subsequently rejected as insufficient to relieve real losses, and dangerous as a precedent.

The death of Prince Napoleon at Rome (March 17), although anticipated, found the Bonapartist party in the midst of a crisis, for some considerable numbers of that body had ceased to regard the Prince as the head of the Imperialist party, and affected to receive orders only from his eldest son, Prince Victor. But on his death-bed the former had refused to be reconciled with his rebellious son, and nominated his second son, Prince Louis, as the successor to the headship of the Bonapartists. Prince Louis, however, declined the shadowy legacy, and recognised without hesitation the rights of his elder brother-an act of self-devotion which was promptly repudiated by many of his father's supporters-thus signalising once more the hopeless discredit into which the Bonapartist party had been brought by these family squabbles and arrangements. It was indeed "La fin d'un rêve," as described by the son of one of Napoleon III.'s most distinguished ministers, M. Duruy, in a book which attracted much notice at the time.

With the collapse of the Bonapartists, the hopes of the Royalists once more burnt brightly, and they looked forward to being able to group round their standard the anti-Republican forces which were either slumbering or stumbling in the dark. The Comte de Paris at once set about reorganising his party, and having accepted the resignation of the senator, M. Bocher, who had hitherto represented him in France, he selected Count

Othenin d'Haussonville as the official exponent of his new programme. In his farewell letter to his old and faithful supporter the Comte de Paris, defining the Monarchy as "traditional in its principles, modern in its institutions," hinted that he had failed to discover the means of infusing the new blood into his exhausted followers. The Count d'Haussonville was not more successful in reanimating the Royalist party than his predecessor, nor in bringing forward candidates even partially pledged to a restoration; so that by degrees the Right in the Chamber evolved, under the leadership of M. Piou, a group of constitutionalists who declined to take any Monarchical pledge.

M. d'Haussonville, however, was not disposed to allow his assumption of the leadership of his party to pass unnoticed. For the past seven years committees had existed in the majority of the departments whose duty it was to keep alive the Monarchical spirit, but it was a general reproach that these committees, instead of being in direct touch with the electors, were for the most part composed either of personages, doubtless distinguished and wealthy, but were either wholly unknown to the masses, or were altogether hostile to the principle of universal suffrage. In his efforts to reorganise the Monarchical party M. d'Haussonville decided to begin by renewing and strengthening the numbers of its staff officers. The Royalists, for the most part distinguishable by their names, their relatives, or their fortunes, were able to furnish in most districts agents and helpers who exercised considerable influence. In some cases to a noble name and a large fortune was added the reputation of traditional piety, and all these qualifications carried weight with the peasantry, whilst it flattered the local leaders and petite noblesse to be intrusted with political duties. The Press was next brought to support the personal efforts of the landowners. Journals were established where none had before existed, and those already in circulation were stimulated and improved by the supply of news furnished by the press syndicate. At the same time young men gifted with fluency of speech were encouraged to give "conferences" in country towns and villages; it became the fashion to call oneself a Socialist; and "slang," local as well as general, became the object of study by persons of the highest rank. The Royalists of Nimes were only pushing things to a logical conclusion when they struck up an alliance with the cooper Numa Gilly, who had promised to make them masters of the prefecture of that important city, but pending the realisation of their programme they were content to imitate the ways of the Boulangists and to distribute gratis newspapers and pamphlets throughout the country. Unfortunately it was found necessary to stop suddenly this propaganda, for the young Duc d'Orléans, having been disappointed in his attempt to serve as a conscript, had abandoned all thought of military life in order to follow in the train of an operatic troupe. The Chamber of Deputies, however, was not slow to

recognise the possible dangers of the situation, and an inquiry set on foot at this time showed the extent of the injury done to municipal government by the intrigues of the Monarchists and Boulangists; and in many places in the West and Centre it was found advisable to postpone the date of the municipal elections.

During the Parliamentary recess at Easter an international congress of miners met in Paris at the Labour Exchange (Bourse de Travail), and discussed at length the question of a general strike. The views on the point were so conflicting that the Congress declined to adopt the responsibility of recommending it, but public attention was struck by the calm and serious manner in which the debates were conducted throughout. The International, proscribed in Germany and still legally interdicted in France, had reformed its ranks, and, having arrived at a truer knowledge both of its powers and of the dangers which threatened it, gave proof that it also understood the advantages of Opportunism.

The spring session of the Conseils-Généraux gave an opportunity to these provincial assemblies to express their views upon three important questions-namely, the Customs Tariff, the renewal of the privileges of the Bank of France, and the betting question at race meetings. As might be expected, the views put forward were very contradictory, private or personal interest in most cases deciding the Council. For example, the Southern departments demanded free import of maize and oil-seeds from Africa, and heavy duties upon raw silk and wine. The Northern protested against any increase in the price of wine, but clamoured for protection in the matter of sugar and bread-stuffs. The Conseil-Général of the Gironde expressed itself strongly in favour of the State taking in hand the Canal du Midi, which had been transferred to the railroad company, but was useless for purposes of transport in consequence of the heavy charges levied by the company.

It was at this moment (April 21) that the governorships of the two most important French colonies became vacant. M. de Lanessan, Deputy of the Seine, was appointed to Indo-China, and M. Cambon, Prefect of Lyons, Governor-General of Algeria, in succession to M. Tirman, who, in consequence of the debate referred to, had tendered his resignation. Whilst in Algeria it was only a change of governor, in Indo-China the whole administration was to undergo modification. M. de Lanessan was invested with the widest powers, and, by his nomination, was declared depository of the powers of the Republic, having sole right to correspond directly with the Home Government, and with the nomination of all civil functionaries, with the exception of a few specially named, and these were only to be named on his recommendation, and were subject to his dismissal.

On the reassembling of the Chambers (April 27), the long expected debates on the Customs Tariff commenced. The general

discussion, of little practical value, lasted nearly a month (May 22), whilst the debates on the separate clauses were continued at intervals until the end of the session.

In the interval the May-day manifestations, the object of unusual precaution in all large centres of industry, took place. In Paris the precautions sufficed to prevent any conflict in the streets, but all the available troops were kept under arms, and, with the arrest of about two hundred Socialists, of whom twothirds were at once liberated, everything passed off quietly.

In other places, however, the day was marked by most serious troubles. At Levallois Perret, almost a suburb of Paris, a fight took place between the police and a body of Anarchists. Revolver shots were fired, and several of the police were wounded in attempting to seize the red flag of the mob. At Lyons the people, carrying black and red flags, attempted to force an entry into the cemetery in order to place wreaths on the graves of the combatants of 1831 and 1834. Several charges of cavalry were necessary to disperse the crowd, and several soldiers were wounded by revolver shots. Upwards of sixty persons were arrested, of whom the great majority were old offenders. At Marseilles the Socialist Deputy, Aristide Boyer, was arrested in a scrimmage with the police, and at Nantes a similar manifestation occurred, but at Bordeaux, Toulouse, and the principal cities of the south, peace was not disturbed.

In the north, on the other hand, serious conflicts took place at Lille, Douai, Valenciennes, Roubaix, and elsewhere. In the Pas de Calais the workmen contented themselves with quitting their mines and workshops during the day, and with sending to the authorities petitions demanding a limitation of eight hours' work. But at Fourmies, a large industrial town in the north, a strike had broken out a few days previously, and the workmen endeavoured to bring about a general stoppage of work throughout the district. In view of this excitement the gendarmerie and infantry of the neighbourhood had been brought into the town. These, however, had not succeeded in maintaining peace, and the authorities had been assailed by a shower of stones. Eight of the most turbulent miners were arrested, and on an attempt to rescue them a struggle ensued between the crowd and the soldiers. One of the officers was surrounded and severely assaulted, whereupon the troops fired, killing seven of the crowd and wounding ten others, amongst whom were two young girls. The firing not having been preceded by three summonses to disperse was made the subject of a Parliamentary discussion. On this occasion the Boulangists displayed their usual violence; one of them, M. Ernest Roche, exhibited in the tribune a bloody shirt, pierced by five balls, which he had brought back from Fourmies, and declared, in closing his speech, that if there was still justice in France, M. Constans should be prosecuted. The Minister of the Interior laid before the Chamber the instructions

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