LXVI.

CHAP. Benedict the twelfth; and his artful instructions appear to have been drawn by the master-hand of the great domestic.1 "Most holy father," was he commissioned to say, "the

The arguments for

a crusade

and union.

emperor is not less desirous than yourself of an union be"tween the two churches: but in this delicate transaction, "he is obliged to respect his own dignity and the prejudices "of his subjects. The ways of union are two-fold; force, "and persuasion. Of force, the inefficacy has been already "tried: since the Latins have subdued the empire, without "subduing the minds, of the Greeks. The method of per"suasion, though slow, is sure and permanent. A depu"tation of thirty or forty of our doctors would probably

agree with those of the Vatican, in the love of truth and "the unity of belief: but on their return, what would be "the use, the recompense of such agreement? the scorn of "their brethern, and the reproaches of a blind and obstinate "nation. Yet that nation is accustomed to reverence the "general councils, which have fixed the articles of our faith; "and if they reprobate the decrees of Lyons, it is because "the Eastern churches were neither heard nor represented "in that arbitrary meeting. For this salutary end, it will "be expedient, and even necessary, that a well-chosen le

gate should be sent into Greece, to convene the patriarchs "of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem; "and, with their aid, to prepare a free and universal synod. "But at this moment," continued the subtle agent, "the

66

empire is assaulted and endangered by the Turks, who "have occupied four of the greatest cities of Anatolia.... "The Christian inhabitants have expressed a wish of re"turning to their allegiance and religion; but the forces "and revenues of the emperor are insufficient for their de "liverance: and the Roman legate must be accompanied,

or preceded, by an army of Franks, to expel the infidels, "and open a way to the holy sepulchre." If the suspicious Latins should require some pledge, some previous effect of the sincerity of the Greeks, the answers of Barlaam were perspicuous and rational. “1. A general synod can alone

1 This curious instruction was transcribed (I believe) from the Vatican archives, by Odoricus Raynaldus, in his continuation of the Annals of Baronius (Romæ, 1646...1677, in x volumes in folio). I have contented myself with the abbé Fleury (Hist. Ecclesiastique, tom. xx. p. 1...8), whose abstracts I have always found to be clear, accurate, and impartial.

66

LXVI.

consummate the union of the churches; nor can such a CHAP. "synod be held til the three Oriental patriarchs, and a great number of bishops, are enfranchised from the Ma"hometan yoke. 2. The Greeks are alienated by a long "series of oppression and injury: they must be reconciled "by some act of brotherly love, some effectual succour, "which may fortify the authority and arguments, of the emperor, and the friends of the union. 3. If some differ"ence of faith or ceremonies should be found incurable, the "Greeks however are the disciples of Christ; and the Turks 66 are the common enemies of the Christian name. The

66

Armenians, Cyprians, and Rhodians, are equally attack"ed; and it will become the piety of the French princes "to draw their swords in the general defence of religion. "4. Should the subjects of Andronicus be treated as the "worst of schismatics, of heretics, of pagans, a judicious "policy may yet instruct the powers of the West to em"brace an useful ally, to uphold a sinking empire, to guard "the confines of Europe; and rather to join the Greeks "against the Turks, than to expect the union of the Turk"ish arms with the troops and treasures of captive Greece." The reasons, the offers, and the demands, of Andronicus, were eluded with cold and stately indifference. The kings of France and Naples declined the dangers and glory of a crusade: the pope refused to call a new synod to determine old articles of faith: and his regard for the obsolete claims of the Latin emperor and clergy, engaged him to use an offensive superscription: "To the moderator2 of the Greeks, "and the persons who style themselves the patriarchs of "the Eastern churches." For such an embassy, a time and character less propitious could not easily have been found. Benedict the twelfth3 was a dull peasant, perplexed with

2 The ambiguity of this title is happy or ingenious; and moderator, as synonymous to rector, gubernator, is a word of classical, and even Ciceronian, Latinity, which may be found, not in the Glossary of Ducange, but in the Thesaurus of Robert Stephens.

3 The first Epistle (sine titulo) of Petrarch, exposes the danger of the bark, and the incapacity of the pilot. Hæc inter, vino madidus, ævo gravis ac soporifero rore perfusus, jamjam nutitat, dormitat, jam somno præceps, atque (utinam solus) ruit.... Heu quanto felicius patrio terram sulcasset aratro, quam - scalmum piscatorium ascendisset. This satire engages his biographer to weigh the virtues and vices of Benedict XII. which have been exaggerated by Guelphs and Ghibelines, by Papists and Protestants (see Memoires sur la Vie de Petrarque, tom. i. p. 259. ii. not. xv. p. 13...16). He gave occasion to the saying, Bibamus papaliter.

CHAP. scruples, and immersed in sloth and wine: his pride might LXVI. enrich with a third crown the papal tiara, but he was alike unfit for the regal and the pastoral office.

Negociation of Cantacu

Clement

1348.

After the decease of Andronicus, while the Greeks were distracted by intestine war, they could not presume to agizene with tate a general union of the Christians. But as soon as CanVI. A. D. tacuzene had subdued and pardoned his enemies, he was anxious to justify, or at least to extenuate, the introduction of the Turks into Europe, and the nuptials of his daughter with a Musulman prince. Two officers of state, with a Latin interpreter, were sent in his name to the Roman court, which was transplanted to Avignon, on the banks of the Rhone, during a period of seventy years; they represented the hard necessity which had urged him to embrace the alliance of the miscreants, and pronounced by his command the specious and edifying sounds of union and crusade. Pope Clement the sixth, the successor of Benedict, received them with hospitality and honour, acknowledged the innocence of their sovereign, excused his distress, applauded his magnanimity, and displayed a clear knowledge of the state and revolutions of the Greek empire, which he had imbibed from the honest accounts of a Savoyard lady, an attendant of the empress Anne. If Clement was ill-endowed with the virtues of a priest, he possessed however the spirit and magnificence of a prince, whose liberal hand distributed benefices and kingdoms with equal facility. Under his reign, Avignon was the seat of pomp and pleasure: in his youth he had surpassed the licentiousness of a baron; and the palace, nay, the bed-chamber of the pope, was adorned, or polluted, by the visits of his female favourites. The wars of France and England were adverse to the holy enterprise; but his vanity was amused by the splendid idea; and the Greek ambassadors returned with two Latin bishops, the ministers of the pontiff. On their arrival at Constanti

4 See the original lives of Clement VI. in Muratori (Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. P. ii. p. 550...589). Matteo Villani (Chron. 1. iii. c. 43. in Muratori, tom. xiv. p. 186), who styles him, molto cavallaresco, poco religioso; Fleury (Hist. Eccles. tom xx. p. 126), and the Vie de Petrarque (tom. ii. p. 42...45). The abbé de Sade treats him with the most indulgence; but he is a gentleman as well as a priest.

5 Hername (most probably corrupted) was Zampea. She had accompanied, and alone remained with her mistress at Constantinople, where her prudence, erudition, and politeness, deserved the praises of the Greeks themselves (Cantacuzen. I. i. c. 42).

แ

LXVI.

nople, the emperor and the nuncios admired each other's CHAP. piety and eloquence: and their frequent conferences were filled with mutual praises and promises, by which both parties were amused, and neither could be deceived. "I am "delighted," said the devout Cantacuzene, "with the pro'ject of our holy war, which must redound to my personal "glory, as well as to the public benefit of Christendom.

My dominions will give a free passage to the armies of "France: my troops, my gallies, my treasures, shall be "consecrated to the common cause; and happy would be my fate, could I deserve and obtain the crown of martyr"dom. Words are insufficient to express the ardour with "which I sigh for the re-union of the scattered members of "Christ. If my death could avail, I would gladly present

my sword and my neck: if the spiritual phoenix could ❝arise from my ashes, I would erect the pile and kindle the " flame with my own hands." Yet the Greek emperor presumed to observe, that the articles of faith which divided the two churches had been introduced by the pride and precipitation of the Latins: he disclaimed the servile and arbitrary steps of the first Palæologus; and firmly declared, that he would never submit his conscience, unless to the decrees of a free and universal synod. "The situation of the "times," continued he, "will not allow the pope and myself "to meet either at Rome or Constantinople; but some ma"ritime city may be chosen on the verge of the two em

pires, to unite the bishops, and to instruct the faithful, of "the East and West." The nuncios seemed content with the proposition; and Cantacuzene affects to deplore the failure of his hopes, which were soon overthrown by the death of Clement, and the different temper of his successor. His own life was prolonged, but it was prolonged in a cloister; and, except by his prayers, the humble monk was incapable of directing the counsels of his pupil or the state.

Yet of all the Byzantine princes, that pupil, John Paleo- Treaty of logus, was the best disposed to embrace, to believe, and to John Palæologus I. obey, the shepherd of the West. His mother Anne of Sa- with Innovoy, was baptized in the bosom of the Latin church: her cent VI.

6 See this whole negociation in Cantacuzene (1. iv. c. 9), who, amidst the praises and virtues which he bestows on himself, reveals the uneasiness of a glity conscience.

LXVI.

A. D.

CHAP. marriage with Andronicus imposed a change of name, of apparel, and of worship; but her heart was still faithful to her country and religion; she had formed the infancy of 1355... her son, and she governed the emperor, after his mind, or at least his stature, was enlarged to the size of man. In the first year of his deliverance and restoration, the Turks were still masters of the Hellespont; the son of Cantacuzene was in arms at Adrianople; and Palæologus could depend neither on himself nor on his people. By his mother's advice, and in the hope of foreign aid, he abjured the rights both of the church and state; and the act of slavery,' subscribed in purple ink, and sealed with the golden bull, was privately intrusted to an Italian agent. The first article of the treaty is an oath of fidelity and obedience to Innocent the sixth and his successors, the supreme pontiffs of the Roman and Catholic church. The emperor promises to entertain with due reverence their legates and nuncios; to assign a palace for their residence and a temple for their worship; and to deliver his second son Manuel as the hostage of his faith. For these condescensions, he requires a prompt succour of fifteen gallies, with five hundred men at arms, and a thousand archers, to serve against his Christian and Musulman enemies. Palæologus engages to impose on his clergy and people the same spiritual yoke; but as the resistance of the Greeks might be justly foreseen, he adopts the two effectual methods of corruption and education. The legate was empowered to distribute the vacant benefices among the ecclesiastics who should subscribe the creed of the Vatican: three schools were instituted to instruct the youth of Constantinople in the language and doctrine of the Latins; and the name of Andronicus, the heir of the empire, was enrolled as the first student. Should he fail in the measures of persuasion or force, Palæologus declares himself unworthy to reign; transferred to the pope all regal and paternal authority; and invests Innocent with full power to regulate the family, the government, and the marriage, of his son and successor. But this treaty was neither executed nor published; the Roman gallies were as vain and imaginary

7 See this ignominious treaty in Fleury (Hist. Eccles. p 151...154), from Raynaldus, who drew it from the Vatican archives. It was not worth the trouble of a pious forgery.