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undus et ad hujus fundationem prefat Prepositus Ballivm et Consilium Civitatis Glasguen. antedict. obligant se suos heredes et successores per pntia. manus porrigere administrates in defensione protectione supplemento et importatione annuorum redditum. terrarum possessionem demorum et ædificiorum dict. lecto seu pauperi pertinen. per suos clientes si necessario fuerit. In super volo quod dicti patroni diligent. attendant que hujus pauper seu indigens observet statuta ceremonias et crones. debitas et consuetas sicut ceteri pauperes fundati comorantes in dicto Hospitali secundum consuetudinem formam et tenorem fundationis pie et recollende memoriæ Andræ Epi. Glasguen. fundatoris ejusdem Hospitalis in quorum omnium et singulorum fidem et testimonium premissorum sigillum commune civium dicti civitatis cum instantia paratum una cum sigillo mei Magistri Martin Wan huic mei fundatione sunt appensa nec non subscriptione notarii subscripti apud civitatem Glasguen. primo die mensis Junii anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo primo coram his testibus Magistris et Dominis Martino Rede vicario de Mernys Patricio Wishard vicario de Cupro Johanne Smyt vicario de Campsy David Gardner vicario de Moffat Thoma Hugonis Willielmo Smyt Ballivis dicti Civitatis Andrea Otterburn Johanne Schaw Archibaldo Harbartson Johanne Broun Georgio Robison Thoma Law David Knoxis David Lindesay Johanne Hamiltour. Andrea Olney et Roberto Craig quondis testibus ad premissa vocatis cum diversis aliis praesentibus et rogatis.

Monogram,

"Johes. Bigholm."

"Et ego Johannes Bigholm pbr. Sanct Andree dioceseos publicus auctoritatibus Imperiali et Regali notarius Quia predicti lecti erectione et fundatione sigilli que eod. dicti civitatis et civitatem ejusdem que gressiom ceterisque omnibus aliis et singulis dum sic ut premittitur dicerentur agerentur et fierent una cum prenominatis testibus presens. interfui. Eaque omnia et singula sic fieri vidi scivi et audivi ac in notam cepi Ideoque hoc presens publicum instrumentum manu mae fidr. scriptum exinde confeci et in hanc publilicam formam instrumentale redegi signoque et nomine meis solitis et consuetis signavi rogatus et requisitus in fidem et testimonium veritatis omnium et singulorum premissorum.

TRANSACTIONS OF THE GLASGOW ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

NO. X.

SCOTLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES.

NOTES BY MR. ALEXANDER GALLOWAY ON THE WORK OF COSMO INNES.

[Read at a Meeting of the Glasgow Archæological Society, on 5th March, 1860.]

As antiquaries and Scotchmen, we regard with much interest every new contribution of materials to the elucidation of our country's history, and, if the quality be good, we welcome the arrival with much satisfaction. The object of the present paper is to lay before the society a brief description of the principal contents of Mr. Innes' new book, entitled "Scotland in the Middle Ages," with a few relative observations. Although only four weeks have passed since it appeared, probably every member of this society has already given it more or less attention; and, fresh as the subject is, it may be presumed that while some of our members present may be willing to exchange opinions on its merits, all will have pleasure in recognising whatever of value has been acquired, and in marking what remains to be sought for.

Scotland's sons have not been less anxious than the men of other lands to produce a veritable and perfect delineation of their country's history, and it might be admitting too much to let it be said they have been less diligent. That they have been less successful, is perhaps owing to the non-existence of sufficient materials, or to the difficulty of procuring enough of such as do exist and are substantial. In their endeavour to rear a temple which might compete creditably with those of foreign countries, early builders have hastily mixed up much rubbish with substances of enduring nature, available at the time, and successors have been content to patch the structure as they best could, each in his turn proclaiming that now all was sound. Mr. Tytler, apprehensive that the foundations and basement were faulty, and would not safely bear being disturbed, commenced his operations at the accession of Alexander III.

(1249). Mr. Innes is of opinion that there is nothing sound before the period of the Norman conquest of England (1066), when, he thinks, it may be said Scottish history begins. But he considers that for apprehending "the structure of our political society, and the domestic history of our ancestors, their modes of thought, feeling, and action," the history of Continental Europe from 768, when Charlemagne succeeded to the great Frankish empire, should be carefully studied; and he asserts that the history of our own country at this time is a blank.

In sketching the state of Europe at the commencement of Charlemagne's reign, he says there may be noticed the following facts:1st, The Celtic race had almost disappeared-part remaining, indeed, in their former locality, but only as bondsmen to foreign masters, and part retired to the defiles of Armorica and the gorges of the Alps-so that "they may, without much injustice to history, be discounted as an independent people from the politics of Europe;" 2d, The Teutonic people filled the land from the Mediterreanan to the North Sea; 3d, The Franks, a German confederation, had become very powerful, and were occupying the fairest provinces of Europe; 4th, The Sclaves, Wends, and Bavarians were also powerful; 5th, The Scandinavians and Saxons were numerous in the north-west-the former, known under the name of Northmen or Danes, being "the terror of every coast in Europe," and the latter having established colonies in England some centuries before Charlemagne's time; 6th, The Moors were in Spain; 7th, The Lombards on the south side of the Alps; 8th, The Italians on the banks of the Tiber; 9th, The Byzantines on the Bosphorus.

In noticing the Saxons, he gives an extract from a manuscript, of date A.D. 743, found in the Vatican, which is remarkable as showing that the speech of the common people then in use is recognised and understood at the present day by Germans, Dutch, Scandinavians, Scotch, and English, and by all other now existing peoples who speak a genuine Teutonic language. As to the old Roman influence, he remarks that the power of the formerly vast empire, although finally destroyed, had left permanent effects throughout Europe, especially in the constitution of burghal communities.

It the first of the two introductory chapters the author indulges in some small details regarding the person of Charlemagne-his foot, his eyes, his nose, his hair, his dress, and his individual peculiarities and manner of life, which may seem to have no proper place

in reference to sketches of Scotland; but those are followed by an admirable selection from his biography, showing features of the then state of society in Europe, and principles of the internal government of some of its nations. His wars with the Saxons, the Lombards, and the Moors, and the great eventual extent of his power, are referred to. What is said about schools, Sabbath observance, and preaching in 788, is specially interesting, as are also some allusions to Church missions, and the increasing influence of Roman episcopacy.

The second chapter refers to the state of European society under the successors of Charlemagne, and to the progress of feudal institutions. It also glances at Northman colonisation, and then takes up "the affairs of Britain," beginning with the old Roman period, advancing with the Saxons and Danes, not forgetting Arthur of the Round Table, Edwin who founded Edinburgh, Alfred the Great, and Knut, whom English writers have called Canute, and closing with the advent of William the Conqueror.

The remaining eight chapters are devoted chiefly to Scotland. We are reminded that there is no extant Scottish writing so early as 1093, and no evidence of the existence of any charter, record, or chronicle before 1094 or 1095; that the earliest is a charter to the Monks of Durham by King Duncan, of the latter date, and the next are charters of Edgar his brother and successor; and that after 1107 the series of charters is unbroken. A single leaf of a chronicle, supposed to have been written about 1165, is assumed to be the earliest of that class of documents, and the Melrose chronicle of the thirteenth century is stated to be the most ancient writing of the nature of continuous history (meaning of course Scottish history) now extant. The oldest collection of Scottish laws was lately recovered from the Swiss Government, and dates about 1270: the next is a manuscript picked up from a book-stall at Ayr in 1824, and which is believed to have been written in the early half of the fourteenth century. State papers begin about 1260 or 1270. A century later our earliest chronicle writers, Barbour, Wintoun, and Fordun, appear.

These notices are followed by the author's views as to the state of Scotland at the beginning of the twelfth century, and by the usual speculations about "the hereditary natives" and their language. Then comes the battle of the Standard (1138), and the unfortunate conduct of these natives in that luckless engagement, which resulted

in the permanent loss to Scotland of Northumberland and Cumberland. Extracts from the speeches of the leaders prior to the battle are given in the style of the old Greek and Roman historians, and although written by Abbot Ailred, we may fancy those addresses to have been, like theirs, rather imaginary than real. Next, we have the saintly qualities of David I.; but, before considering their sairness to the croon, we are called on to look back to the writings of the venerable Bede, four centuries earlier, and to believe in all that is narrated from hearsay about Palladius, and Ninian, and Columba, who lived two or three centuries before Bede. We are assured that the poor little island of Iona is about the most interesting object referred to in the history of Christian Europe. It had but five families on it, and Columba got a present of it and them from Conal, who is called king. Mr. Innes grows warm upon the subject of Iona, and speaks magnificently about tempestuous seas, Pagan savages, pious monks, "their humble thatched church" and the virtues of celibacy. In this eloquent fit, he doubts not that hundreds of our Scottish parish divisions "can still be connected with their dedication to the preachers who had first taught there the faith and doctrines they had received from St. Columba." Next come the weary Culdees, who, he says, "have had the undeserved fortune of being claimed as Protestants by zealous opponents of Rome." They are finished off by David dismissing them to the island of Lochleven, where they are ordered to remain in peace, and told that if they will not obey this injunction they will be turned out of the island. The monks on Iona, or Y, or Hij, are disposed of less agreeably; for Norse "hordes," "pirates," "heathens," "ravagers," "Gentiles," come at the end of the eighth and beginning of the ninth century," lay waste the Hebrides, burn Icolmkill, slay the family of Y, and put out the light which had shed religion and civilisation over Britain.

We are reminded of ancient Glasgow also, and the "old tradition of a church founded by St. Kentigern in the middle of the sixth century," that is one hundred years before St. Columba, and two hundred before Charlemagne, endowed with ample possessions, but the property wrongfully held, or neglected, as appearing to be without owners, until David I. made inquest by a jury, whose return or report is still extant. James I., if in David's place, would of course have pounced upon these possessions as undoubtedly Crown property; but David's mission was to nurse the monks. In various other instances where James thought his priest-ridden Royal an

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