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keeping with the above. But his style-like the man-is full of life, and he has many shrewd remarks on the scenes through which he passes.
The sacredness of life being the leading tenet of the faith, no criminal, Bogle tells us, can be put to death within the Lama's jurisdiction; all such are therefore conveyed to the castle of a neighbouring Governor, where they are shut up, deprived of food, till they die. This recals curiously, as Buddhism so often does, the practice of another hierarchy, which also, in its palmy days, would hand over offenders to the civil power, with the tender stipulation that no blood was to be shed.
Mr. Bogle was, no doubt, a good diplomatist, and the most interesting part of his narrative is that which relates his inter-. course with the Teshu Lama, with whom he contracted a strong personal friendship, and whom he describes as possessing the most attractive manners, with a faultless, and indeed saint-like, character. The Lama appeared desirous to promote intercourse with Bengal, not only on philanthropic grounds, but also from a feeling for the country which had been the early cradle of his faith; and he promised to recommend this policy at Pekin, whither he was bound. He also arranged that Bogle should meet him there; but this scheme, which promised so much, was frustrated by the death of both of them within a short time after, and the policy originated by Hastings was never revived by his
There seems every reason to believe that the people of Tibet have always been disposed to intercourse with the outer world, and Mr. Markham considers that the obstacles thereto have from the first been the same, viz. the jealous policy of China, and the attitude of Nipal, which is aggressive towards Tibet and exclusive towards India. He believes that in former days we might, by coercing Nipal, have gained the gratitude and good-will of Tibet, and he broadly hints that a similar policy would be desirable now. But, to confine ourselves to the present, the feelings of the powers at Lhasa cannot be so accurately known, and the non possumus formerly dictated by China may have become the real sentiments of the Tibetan Vatican. Their connection with China is to them a source both of wealth and of political importance, which they are probably in no hurry to sacrifice. We have no sympathy with Sir Jung Bahádar, but besides the general considerations which make a difficulty' with Nipal undesirable, such a step might excite as much apprehension as pleasure at Lhasa, while it would certainly not diminish the jealousy of China. Her supremacy over Tibet has existed for an indefinite time, and since 1720 she has, while hardly inter
fering at all with internal affairs, maintained Ambas, or political residents, at Lhasa. The resolution and energy she displays in dealing with her Western neighbours is in curious contrast with the signs of weakness and apparent decrepitude shown in her relations with the European powers on her seaboard. When the Nipalese invaded Tibet, in 1792, they were driven back and defeated by a Chinese army, which followed them up into the heart of Nipal; and even as late as 1841, when Gulab Sing's troops, having occupied Ladak, attempted to march up the valley of the Indus, they were met and nearly exterminated by a Chinese force, which afterwards traversed that difficult country as far west as Ladak. Her supremacy over Tibet, then, is much more than nominal, and has been again asserted actively within the last few years, so that whatever may be the wishes of the Tibetans, their action must depend on her will and pleasure. If the passes between Tibet and Bengal were freely opened to commerce, it is probable that the traffic would be considerable. The productions of Tibet are few in number, and her imports are accordingly varied. They consist chiefly of silks, calicoes, leather, rice, and tobacco, and brick tea from China, and the Chinese Government are naturally not anxious to see this branch of trade supplanted, as it probably would be, by Indian teas from Darjiling.* The exports from Tibet are confined chiefly to gold and silver, besides salt, borax, musk, and wool. It is in the last-named item that her chief source of wealth probably consists, for her far-extending grassy slopes and valleys already maintain numerous flocks and herds, which would increase with the demand.
Mr. Markham points out that the Russians are allowed to maintain a consul at the Court of the Taranath Lama, another exalted Incarnation, who resides at Urga Karen on the Tula River, and whose influence is great throughout Mongolia. It is possible that, by judiciously urging this precedent, the appointment of a resident Minister at Lhasa might be conceded to us. In such a position a scholar of the stamp of Mr. Hodgson, formerly our resident in Nipal, would no doubt bring to light a mass of curious knowledge, and might eventually open the way to freer intercourse. But we ought, perhaps, to leave some work for those who come after us. The resources of our planet, after all, are limited, and until there is a prospect of access to some of the others, we must not be in too great a hurry to exhaust all the novelties of our own.
* See article on Tibet,' by Mr. Heeley, in 'Calcutta Review,' July, 1874.
ART. VI.-Fifty Years of My Life. of Albemarle. In 2 vols.
By George Thomas, Earl
HE Count de Ségur (father of the historian of the Russian Campaign) was led to the composition of his Memoirs by the reflection that, 'chance having willed him to be successively colonel, general, traveller, poet, dramatist, courtier, farmer, deputy, councillor of state, senator, peer of France-to have seen men and things under all aspects, sometimes through the prism of happiness, sometimes through the crape of misfortune-he was obviously predestined to record his impressions and reminiscences. Lord Albemarle was somewhat similarly justified in arriving at the same conclusion : chance having willed that he should be successively soldier, traveller, author, courtier, politician, country gentleman, man of fashion, county member, and peer that when a boy at Westminster he should be the playmate of the heiress-presumptive to the throne: that he should leave school at fifteen to carry the colours of a gallant regiment at Waterloo that he should rise through every grade of the service, from ensign to general: that he should be aide-de-camp to a Viceroy of India and a Viceroy of Ireland, and equerry to a prince of the blood: that he should traverse the (then) least known countries of the Eastern hemisphere: that he should survey mankind, if not from China to Peru, from Calcutta to St. Petersburg: that he should live familiarly with a host of brilliant contemporaries, and be able in his seventy-seventh year to talk and write about them as freshly and vividly as if he were narrating the events of yesterday in his prime.
The personal qualities which, combined with luck, enable men to rise above the common level, appear to have been hereditary in his race. Dating from the memorable fifth of November, 1689, when Arnold van Keppel landed at Torbay with his royal friend and patron, we should be puzzled to name a period in which a Keppel will not be found occupying an honourable place in our naval or military annals; and the family documents throw light on many passages in history which it is desirable to clear up. Lord Albemarle, therefore, was amply justified in devoting a considerable space to the Keppels of England,' and has done a real service by printing such portions of their correspondence touching national and public occurrences as have been hitherto kept back. Nor are we disposed to carp at the pride of birth to which we are indebted for a preliminary chapter on the 'Keppels of Guelderland; who figured as prominently in the petty wars of the Low Countries in the middle ages as their descendants in more
regular and extended military operations on the same ground under William, Marlborough, or Eugene. An action in which Walter van Keppel was slain, in 1227, may serve as a specimen : presenting, as it does, a striking illustration of the times.
Otto van der Lippe, Bishop of Utrecht, on his departure for the Holy Land as a soldier of the Cross, consigned his territorial possessions to the guardianship of Roderic, Lord of Coerverden, who, on the bishop's return, insisted on retaining them and left the rightful owner no alternative but a resort to force.
The Bishop, like his predecessors and successors in the see, was as much a soldier as a priest. He resolved to compel a restitution by force of arms, and summoned his friends to his assistance. Gerhard, Count of Guelders, among others, obeyed the call of his spiritual lord. Attended by his nobles, knights, and vassals, he ranged himself under the banner of the warlike prelate, who led the troops in person. As his army approached the castle of Coerverden they found that every preparation had been made for its defence. Roderick, a strategist after a fashion, wishing to impress his assailants with the notion that he had a considerable body of cavalry at his disposal, collected within the walls of the castle a number of brood mares, which, being separated from their foals, kept up an incessant neighing during the night. The next morning, the Episcopalian troops perceived the enemy drawn up in order of battle before the castle, and at the edge of a morass; wearing no other defensive armour than a helmet and breastplate. The Bishop and his allies rushed impetuously to the attack, but being clad in heavy armour, and unacquainted with the passes of the bog, they stuck so fast in the mire that they tried to extricate themselves in vain. The rebels gained a complete and easy victory. The Count of Guelders was taken prisoner, and confined for a whole year in the castle of Coerverden. Among the slain was, as has been already mentioned, Derek van Keppel. A terrible fate awaited the Bishop. The captors of the prelate seem to have thought that his tonsure was inseparable from his sacred office, and that if this could be removed they might do with him as they listed, without incurring the crime of sacrilege. Accordingly, they scalped him with their swords. The unfortunate prelate lingered six days after this barbarous treatment before death put an end to his sufferings. His body was thrown into the bog and trampled under foot by his conquerors.
The sequel remains to be told. Pope Gregory IX., furious at the outrage offered to a dignitary of the Church, caused a crusade to be despatched against the Lord of Coerverden, who, as on the former occasion, was prepared to offer a formidable resistance. His enemies, however, unable to take him by force, held out to him the promise of a pardon. Inveigled by their assurances, the Lord of Coerverden surrendered himself into their hands, and-faith was not to be kept with such a sacrilegious wretch-he was immediately broken on the wheel; and his body left there to rot, as that of a common malefactor.'
Another of the family, Walter van Keppel, took part in the contest for the Duchy of Guelder (towards the middle of the fifteenth century) between Arnold, the reigning Duke, and his son Adolf, who commenced operations by laying violent hands upon his sire one night as he was going to bed, carrying him five German leagues on foot, and keeping him close prisoner in a dungeon for six months. I saw them several times,' says Philippe de Comines, in the Duke of Burgundy's chamber, pleading their causes before the Council, and the good old man in a passion threw his son his glove, and demanded a combat.' The Duke of Burgundy would fain have reconciled them, and offered the young Duke, who was his favourite, the government of the province with the whole revenue, stipulating merely that a small town near Brabant, called Grave, and the title of Duke, should be retained by the father. I was deputed,' continues the chronicler, with others wiser than myself, to make this proposal to the young Duke, whose answer was, that he would rather fling his father head foremost into a well and himself after him than consent to such an accommodation; for his father had been Duke four-and-forty years already, and it was now time that he should have his turn; but he would willingly allow him a pension of 3000 florins, upon condition that he would leave the duchy and never come into it again.' We regret to say that Lord Albemarle's ancestor took the side of the unnatural son, it being recorded that he was one of the eight persons whom Duke Arnold refused to pardon, and resolved on punishing when his turn came.
'Treason, sacrilege, and proscription,' remarks Gibbon, ‘are often the best titles of nobility.' Passing over the many titles of this kind to which the Keppels of Guelderland may doubtless lay claim, we come to the founder of the English branch, Arnold Joost van Keppel, who at the age of thirteen, 1685, succeeded his father in the Lordship of Voorst, being then page of honour to the Stadholder. He is described as the youngest, liveliest, and handsomest of the Dutchmen who accompanied the expedition in 1689.
'On the accession of William to the throne he employed Keppel chiefly as an amanuensis; but his charming disposition, added to his good looks and winning manners, so won the affections of his royal master, that he soon became the dispenser of his patronage, the depositary of his secrets, and his inseparable companion in peace or war. When he came of age, in 1695, he was raised to the peerage by the titles of Baron Ashford, Viscount Bury of St. Edmunds, and Earl of Albemarle.'
The date of the peerage is 1696; when, if he was only thirteen