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necessary for us to advance to Herat; and considering the danger to peace which we have shown to be involved in a Russian occupation of Merv, the more statesman-like policy seems to lie in this direction.

A recent traveller in those parts, whose opinion on military matters is of high value,* suggests that the difficulty might be solved by constituting Merv a dependency of Afghanistan-a solution which the geographical conditions indicate as natural; that Persia should be encouraged to recover her northern frontier, which is gradually being occupied by Russia; and that a strip of desert should form the boundary between Persia and Afghanistan on the south, and Russia on the north.

An argument much used by those who deprecate an active policy in this question is, that the power of Russia in Asia is far more apparent than real-the appearance being due in great measure to her incessant activity, and that the first serious check she received would probably lead to an extensive collapse. We think there is some truth in this view, but the inference we would draw from it is exactly the reverse of that drawn by Mr. Grant Duff. He says we need not disquiet ourselves, because time is on our side,' and our strength is growing in a far more rapid ratio than that of Russia; he contrasts the long, toilsome marches she would have to undergo, with our easy and abundant means of transport. All this would be much to the point if we intended to await an attack in India, but it is an axiom with him that we are, at all events, to defend Herat; and whereas every year finds Russia improving her communications, and accumulating the means of offence, the resources available on our side for a campaign in Afghanistan do not appreciably increase. Even as matters now stand, the probable difficulties in her way between the Caspian and Herat, or Merv, are fewer than those we should encounter in a march from India to either of these points; while from Char-jui on the Oxus, to Merv, the distance is, of course, relatively, trifling.

It is sometimes difficult to avoid reflecting how the interests of peace might have been served, and these contingencies indefinitely averted, by the existence in Persia of a well-disciplined army, under an efficient and friendly Government. And such might be now in existence but for misunderstandings not creditable to our past diplomacy. But we shall not on this occasion enter upon the details of the policy to be pursued on this now imminent question, which will require the firmest and most delicate handling. Meanwhile the danger to peace which it

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may involve is not lessened by the tone taken by the Russian press. There, the prospect of the occupation of Merv is exulted in as a menace to England, as the occupation of a point of vantage, whence at a critical moment England might be seriously embarrassed, and even a force, raised from the surrounding countries, hurled against our Indian frontier.

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In Colonel Terentieff's recent work on Central Asia he speaks of England in terms which recall the ravings of the French Jacobins against Pitt and Coburg.' England is a 'foul excrescence on the fair form of India,' requiring excision by the knife. The operation was attempted in 1857, and unhappily failed. But it is hoped that, with Russian assistance, it will be more successful next time. The accuracy of this truculent personage may be gauged by his mention of the present Indian Government as the East India Company;' and by such statements as that Lord Lawrence was recalled because not sufficiently hostile to Russia; that ten millions of people died of famine in Bengal in 1870; and that Captain Napier, in his late journey to Persia, distributed six thousand English rifles among the Turkomans. All this is perhaps beneath notice or criticism. Still we are sorry, as well as surprised, to find so much malevolence and ignorance in a Colonel on the staff in Turkestan. It is not difficult to see how any international question must be embittered by such language as this. To us it is a pleasant and suggestive fact, that notwithstanding our unfathomable duplicity and cynicism, no English writer ever dreams of proposing that we should try to embarrass Russia, or raise against her the hostile and discontented people of Turkestan. We might suggest to these Russian writers, as a profitable subject for meditation, the possible consequences of such action on our part. But we should be sorry indeed that the English press should condescend to recrimination. It is enough that the extent of the power which we might be driven to exert should not be lost sight of by those whom it concerns. Hitherto, perhaps, it is rather the will than the power which has seemed in abeyance, but there are signs of a change in this respect, which it would be dangerous to ignore. If this be recognised, as we hope in the interests of peace it will be, it is difficult to believe that a firm but courteous representation of the case would not, while as yet no point of honour is involved, suffice to prevent the Russian occupation of Merv. Beyond this we do not care to speculate. The interest of the country is quite sufficiently awakened, and it is therefore doubly incumbent on us to counsel moderation and courtesy. But we think that the renewal of active interest in the question, combined with the confidence justly felt in those to whom the

issue is entrusted, is a better guarantee for peace than the condition of apathy, with alternations of panic, which the present feeling has superseded. In connection with these matters, the assumption by the Sovereign of England of a title implying supremacy in India has a certain significance. It declares to all the world that she is the personal head of a great Asiatic empire, and that the position is, emphatically, one which can never with honour be abandoned. Her position towards the native princes cannot be better expressed than by the title of 'Empress a title which indicates a supremacy over other sovereign rulers, and as such was assumed by the King of Prussia to mark his supremacy in Germany. The attempts made during the recent discussions to establish an analogy between India and the Colonies showed, we think, a complete misapprehension of the position of both.

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It has sometimes been made a matter of reproach to the Indian Government, both on scientific and on political grounds, that it has not shown sufficient zeal in collecting information about the countries beyond its borders, and the example of Russia is quoted against us in this respect. MacGregor said a few words on the subject at a late Meeting of the Geographical Society, and he had a good claim to do so, having a few years ago actively promoted, and himself contributed to, the compilation of the series of reports on Central Asia named at the beginning of this article. These contain a résumé of all the information attainable at that date. But this was just before the tide of interest set in that direction, and 'a great many things have happened since then' in Central Asia; much more information is now available; the reports on Turkestan already completed require revision, while those not yet undertaken should be now put in hand. But the work is one which from its nature requires, as it deserves, direct official help and encouragement.

Suggestions have been lately made to the Indian Government to endeavour to open some intercourse with the Pontifical court of Lhasa, and the result of such a step would be viewed with interest. How little we know of the country is well shown by the fact that Mr. Clements Markham has thought it worth while to publish the journeys to Tibet of Mr. Bogle and Mr. Manning, the former of whom travelled as an envoy from Warren Hastings in 1774, the latter independently, thirty-six years later; for it must be admitted that-apart, of course, from the value of Mr. Markham's researches-their interest is, in some measure, due to the length of time that has elapsed

since the journeys were undertaken, and to the fact that no Englishman has achieved the same feat since.

But Mr. Markham considers the dearth of information on the subject, combined with its increasing interest and importance, a sufficient reason for publishing these narratives. He has illustrated them by notes, with a short memoir of each author, and has, besides, in a comprehensive introductory notice accompanied by maps, summed up all the latest geographical information; adding some remarks on the history and politics of the country. Our knowledge of its geography is still based on the native survey executed in 1704 by Lamas trained on the system of the Jesuit Mission in China,-the survey of that empire, completed soon after by order of the Emperor Kang Hi, being, Mr. Markham tells us, superior to any map then existing of any country in Europe. Our later knowledge of Tibet is derived chiefly from reports of the native explorers employed by the Indian Survey; and to the accuracy, perseverance, and courage of these men Mr. Markham pays a high and well-deserved compliment.

The eastern province of Tibet, which abuts on the Chinese province of Szechuen, is still but little known; while of the western, which includes Ladak, a great part has been traversed by our explorers. The principal towns are situated in the central province, or Great Tibet, and chiefly in the elevated valley of the Tsanpu River-now generally identified with the Brahmaputra and with the Dihong of Assam-between the northern and central ranges of the Himalaya. The region to the north of this is commonly considered to belong to Tibet. It is inhabited by wandering tribes of Turk and Mongol origin, who are said to be Mussulmans. Tibet proper, however, may be said to comprise the whole series of elevated plains and valleys, with their intersecting ridges, contained between the northern and southern Himalaya ranges, while along its southern border, but separated by the last named range, lie the independent States, alike in creed, and more or less akin as to race, of Nipal, Sikkim, and Bhutan; and further east, our own province of Assam. The name of Tibet, Mr. Markham tells us, is of Persian or Turkish origin, the native name being Bod or Bodyul, lit. Bod-land (Hind. Bhot and Bhotiya). A writer in Forsyth's report speaks of the Tuwat tribe of Kalmaks as inhabiting 'Tuwat, or Tubat, or Tibet, which is also called Joh.' This is somewhat vague. The large temple in the middle of Lhasa is sometimes called 'Jo,' and the name * is perhaps thence extended to the city, and possibly to the whole country.

* Probably of Mongol origin.

The

The narratives edited by Mr. Markham are of unequal value. Mr. Manning's claims to immortality must rest on his having, alone among Englishmen, visited Lhasa, and spoken face to face with its mysterious Pontiff. As a student at Cambridge of Chinese literature, he became possessed with the desire of visiting that country. His friend Charles Lamb endeavoured, in characteristic language, to dissuade him.

'He tells him' (says Mr. Markham) that the reading of Chaucer had misled him, with his foolish stories about Cambuscan and the ring, and the horse of brass. "Believe me, there are no such things. "Tis all the poet's invention. A horse of brass never flew, and a king's daughter never talked with birds. These are all tales. Pray try and cure yourself. Take hellebore. Pray to avoid the fiend. Read no more books of voyages; they are nothing but lies."

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We gather that he was a hot-tempered, querulous, eccentric man, and his narrative, though affording some curious glimpses of the life of the people, is mainly a record of his own personal grievances.

Mr. Bogle was a man of different stamp ;-a shrewd, practical Scotchman, with warm affections and a cool head, he soon gained the esteem of Warren Hastings, and was sent by him as Envoy to the Teshu Lama. This personage is an incarnate Bodhisattwa,* of equal dignity with the 'Dalai,'† or 'Grand Lama' of Lhasa. (Politically, the latter is of more importance, as Lhasa is the centre of Chinese authority in the country, and the influence of the Dalai Lama is a powerful instrument in their hands for the control of the people of Mongolia.)

The Teshu Lama had written to Hastings to intercede for the Chief of Bhutan, who had offended the Calcutta Government, and Hastings, who had already deeply studied the subject, gladly seized the occasion to improve the acquaintance.

Mr. Bogle's narrative is interesting in some ways, but disappointing in others. He is decidedly pre-scientific. When offered a map of the country by the Lama, he reflects that 'to know a number of outlandish names, or to correct the geography of Tibet, although a matter of great curiosity to geographers and mapsellers,'-his editor must have felt a twinge in transcribing these words!-' was of no use to my constituents or to the world in general.' And his views on other points relating to natural science, or to the religion of the country, are quite in

* A Bodhisattwa is usually some eminent saint, who instead of entering into the highest glories, voluntarily continues incarnate in human form for the purpose of benefiting mankind.

+ 'Dalai' literally means ocean,' and the title was conferred oy the Emperor of China.

Vol. 141.-No. 282.

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