XVII. 1777. persons; and that, if what he had advanced was BOOK not agreeable to the sense of that house, he would readily withdraw his motion of adjournment:" which being done, Mr. Fox's motion was unanimously carried; and, to complete the triumph, the thanks of the house to the speaker for his conduct in this affair were also moved, and agreed to without opposition. The session being now near its close, lord Chatham, unwilling that it should pass over without some public testimony of his unutterable abhorrence of the war which now distracted and convulsed the empire, and of the principles and conduct of those men whose weak and wicked counsels had involved the nation in its present calamities, attended the house of peers on the 30th of May, wrapped in flannels, and bearing a crutch in each hand. At the risk of his health, and perhaps of his life, this great statesman presented himself thus oppressed with infirmities, for the purpose of moving their lordships, who had been previously summoned, "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, most humbly to advise his majesty to take the most speedy and effectual measures for putting a stop to the present unnatural war against the colonies, upon the only just and solid foundation, namely, the removal of accumulated grievances." His lordship said, that he had at different times AVIL 1777. BOOK made different propositions, adapted to the circumstances in which they were offered. The plan contained in the former bill was at this time he confessed impracticable. "The present motion will open the way for treaty. It will be the harbinger of peace, and will convince the Americans, that parliament is sincerely disposed to reconciliation. We have tried for unconditional submission-let us now try what can be gained by unconditional redress. The door of mercy has been hitherto shut against them: you have ransacked every corner of Germany for boors and ruffians to invade and ravage their country; for to conquer it, my lords, is impossible-you CANNOT do it. I may as well pretend to drive them before me with THIS CRUTCH. I am experienced in spring hopes and vernal promises, but at last will come your equinoctial disappointment. But were it practicable by a long continued course of success to conquer America, the holding it in subjection afterwards will be utterly impossible. No benefit can be derived from that country to this, but by the good-will and pure affection of the inhabitants: this is not to be gained by force of arms; their affection is only to be recovered by reconciliation and justice. If ministers are founded in saying, that no engagements are entered into by America with France, there is yet XVII. a moment left; the point of honour is still safe; воок a few weeks may decide our fate as a nation. Were America suffered to form a treaty with 1777. France, we should not only lose the immense advantages resulting from the vast and increasing commerce of our colonies, but those advantages would be thrown into the hands of our hereditary enemy. America, my lords, is now contending with Great Britain under a MASKED BATTERY of France, which will open as she perceives this country to be sufficiently weakened by the contest. France will not lose so fair an opportunity of separating for ever America from this kingdom. This is the critical moment-for such a treaty must and will take place, should pacification be delayed; and war between England and France is not the less probable because professions of amity continue to be made. It would be folly in France to declare it now, while America gives full employment to our arms, and is pouring into her lap her wealth and produce. While the trade of Great Britain lan, guishes, while her taxes increase and her revenues diminish, France is securing and drawing to herself that commerce which is the basis of your power. My motion was stated generally, that I might leave the question at large to the wisdom of your lordships. But, my lords, I will tell you fairly what I wish for I wish for a repeal of VOL. VI. XVIL 1777. BOOK every oppressive act passed since 1763; I would put America precisely on the footing she stood at that period. If it be asked, Why should WE submit to concede? I will tell you, my lords : Because you have been the aggressors from the beginning; you ought, therefore, to make the first overture. I say again, my lords, you have been the aggressors, you have made descents upon their coasts, you have burned their towns, plundered their country, made war upon the inhabitants, confiscated their property, proscribed and imprisoned their persons;-you have injured, oppressed, and endeavoured to enslave them. America is therefore entitled to redress. Let then reparation come from the hand that inflicted the injuries; let conciliation succeed to oppression; and I maintain, that parliament will again recover its authority; that his majesty will be once more enthroned in the hearts of his subjects; and that your lordships, as contributing to so great, benignant, and glorious an event, will receive the prayers and benedictions of every part of the British empire." The peers in administration repeated upon this occasion their accustomed arguments against concessions of any kind, as an acknowledgment of weakness on our part, which would excite the contempt of our friends, and foster the malice of our enemies. They positively denied any 1 XVII. danger from France, and asserted, that "the BOOK assistance given to the Americans proceeded neither from the court nor the ministers, but 1777. from the spirit of military enterprise and commercial adventure; and finally, that the motion arraigned in the most improper terms measures which had received the sanction of parliament." On a division, the numbers were 99 to 28 peers who supported the question. On the 7th of June, 1777, the session was terminated, and his majesty expressed in his speech his entire approbation of the conduct of parliament, lavishing upon them high and flattering compliments for the unquestionable proofs they had given of their CLEAR DISCERNMENT of the TRUE INTERESTS of their COUNTRY. The pride and presumption of the court seemed at this period to have no bounds or limits. The American government having a very considerable number of British prisoners in their possession, applied during the spring of the present year, through the medium of Dr. Franklin, resident of the United States at Paris, to lord Stormont, ambassador from the king of England, to exchange them for an equal number of Americans. To which his lordship made this memorable "The king's ambassador receives no from rebels, unless they come to immajesty's mercy." Thus wantonly and |