ment of a solemn reconciliation, Theodosius secretly cherished the intention of perfidy and revenge. 18 of Theodosius. A. D. 380, The contempt of Gratian for the Baptism and orthodox edicts Roman soldiers had exposed him to the fatal effects of their resentment. Feb. 28. His profound veneration for the Christian clergy was rewarded by the applause and gratitude of a powerful order, which has claimed, in every age, the privilege of dispensing honours, both on earth and in heaven. 19 The orthodox bishops bewailed his death, and their own irreparable loss; but they were soon comforted by the discovery, that Gratian had committed the sceptre of the East to the hands of a prince, whose humble faith, and fervent zeal, were supported by the spirit and abilities of a more vigorous character. Among the benefactors of the church, the fame of Constantine has been rivalled by the glory of Theodosius. If Constantine had the advantage of erecting the standard of the cross, the emulation of his successor assumed the merit of subduing the Arian heresy, and of abolishing the worship of idols in the Roman world. Theodosius was the first of the emperors baptised in the true faith of the Trinity. Although he was born of a Christian family, the maxims, or at least the practice, of the age, encouraged him to delay the ceremony of his initiation; till he was admonished of the danger of delay, by the serious illness which threatened his life, towards the end of the first year of his reign. Before he again took the field against the Goths, he received the sacrament of baptism 20 from Acholius, the orthodox bishop of Thessalonica: 21 and, as the emperor ascended from the holy font, still glowing with the warm feelings of regeneration, he dictated a solemn edict, which proclaimed his own faith, and prescribed the religion of his subjects. "It is our pleasure (such " is the Imperial style) that all the nations, "which are governed by our clemency and mo"deration, should stedfastly adhere to the re"ligion which was taught by St. Peter to the "Romans; which faithful tradition has pre"served; and which is now professed by the "pontiff Damasus, and by Peter, bishop of "Alexandria, a man of apostolic holiness. Ac"cording to the discipline of the apostles, and "the doctrine of the Gospel, let us believe the "sole deity of the Father, the Son, and the "Holy Ghost; under an equal majesty, and a "pious Trinity. We authorise the followers of "this doctrine to assume the title of Catholic "Christians; and as we judge, that all others "are extravagant madmen, we brand them with "the infamous name of Heretics; and declare, "that their conventicles shall no longer usurp "the respectable appellation of churches. Be 18 Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 251, 252. We may disclaim his odious suspicions; but we cannot reject the treaty of peace, which the friends of Theodosius have absolutely forgotten, or slightly mentioned. 19 Their oracle, the archbishop of Milan, assigns to his pupil Gratian an high and respectable place in heaven (tom. ii. de Obit. Val. Consol. p. 1193.). 20 For the baptism of Theodosius, see Sozomen (1. vil. c. 4.), Socrates (1. v. e. 6.), and Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 728.). 21 Ascolius, or Acholius, was honoured by the friendship, and the praises, of Ambrose; who styles him, murus fidei atque sanctitatis (tom. ii. Epist. xv. p. 820.); and afterwards celebrates his speed and diligence in running to Constantinople, Italy, &c. (Epist. xvi. 822.); a virtue which does not appertain either to a wall, or a "sides the condemnation of Divine justice, they "must expect to suffer the severe penalties, which "our authority, guided by heavenly wisdom, "shall think proper to inflict upon them." 22 The faith of a soldier is commonly the fruit of instruction, rather than of enquiry; but as the emperor always fixed his eyes on the visible land-marks of orthodoxy, which he had so prudently constituted, his religious opinions were never affected by the specious texts, the subtle arguments, and the ambiguous creeds of the Arian doctors. Once indeed he expressed a faint inclination to converse with the eloquent and learned Eunomius, who lived in retirement at a small distance from Constantinople. But the dangerous interview was prevented by the prayers of the empress Flaccilla, who trembled for the salvation of her husband; and the mind of Theodosius was confirmed by a theological argument, adapted to the rudest capacity. He had lately bestowed, on his eldest son Arcadius, the name and honours of Augustus, and the two princes were seated on a stately throne to receive the homage of their subjects. A bishop. Amphilochius of Iconium, approached the throne, and after saluting, with due reverence, the person of his sovereign, he accosted the royal youth with the same familiar tenderness, which he might have used towards a plebeian child. Provoked by this insolent behaviour, the monarch gave orders, that the rustic priest should be instantly driven from his presence. while the guards were forcing him to the door, the dexterous polemic had time to execute his design, by exclaiming, with a loud voice, “Such "is the treatment, O emperor! which the King "of heaven has prepared for those impious men, "who affect to worship the Father, but refuse to " acknowledge the equal majesty of his divine "Son." Theodosius immediately embraced the bishop of Iconium; and never forgot the important lesson, which he had received from this dramatic parable. 23 But A. D.340-380. Constantinople was the principal Arianism of Conseat and fortress of Arianism; and, stantinople. in a long interval of forty years, 24 the faith of the princes and prelates, who reigned in the capital of the East, was rejected in the purer schools of Rome and Alexandria. The archiepiscopal throne of Macedonius, which had been polluted with so much Christian blood, was successively filled by Eudoxus and Damophilus. Their diocese enjoyed a free importation of vice and error from every province of the empire; the eager pursuit of religious controversy afforded a new occupation to the busy idleness of the metropolis; and we may credit the assertion of an intelligent observer, who describes, with some pleasantry, the effects of their loquacious zeal. "This city," says he," is full 22 Colex Theodos. 1. xvi. tit. i. leg. 2., with Godefroy's Commentary, tom. vi. p. 5-9. Such an edict deserved the warmest praises of Baronius, auream sanctionem, edictum pium et salutare. - Sic itur ad astra. 23 Sozomen, 1. vii. c. 6. Theodoret, 1. v. e. 16. Tillemont is displeased (Mém. Ecclés. tom. vi. p. 627, 628.) with the terms of rustic bishop," "obscure city," Yet I must take leave to think, that both Amphilochlus and Iconium were objects of inconsiderable magnitude in the Roman empire. 24 Sozomen, I. vil. c. 5. Socrates, 1. v. c. 7. Marcellin. in Chron. The account of forty years must be dated from the election or intrusion of Eusebius; who wisely exchanged the bishopric of Nicomedia for the throne of Constantinople. "of mechanics and slaves, who are all of them "profound theologians; and preach in the shops "and in the streets. If you desire a man to "change a piece of silver, he informs you, "wherein the Son differs from the Father: if 66 you ask the price of a loaf, you are told, by "way of reply, that the Son is inferior to the "Father; and if you enquire, whether the bath "is ready, the answer is, that the Son was made "out of nothing." 25 The heretics, of various denominations, subsisted in peace under the protection of the Arians of Constantinople; who endeavoured to secure the attachment of those obscure sectaries; while they abused, with unrelenting severity, the victory which they had obtained over the followers of the council of Nice. During the partial reigns of Constantius and Valens, the feeble remnant of the Homoousians was deprived of the public and private exercise of their religion; and it has been observed, in pathetic language, that the scattered flock was left without a shepherd, to wander on the mountains, or to be devoured by rapacious wolves. 26 But, as their zeal, instead of being subdued, derived strength and vigour from oppression, they seized the first moments of imperfect freedom, which they acquired by the death of Valens, to form themselves into a regular congregation, under the conduct of an Gregory Na- episcopal pastor. Two natives of zianzen Cappadocia, Basil, and Gregory Nazianzen, 27 were distinguished above all their cotemporaries, 28 by the rare union of profane eloquence and of orthodox piety. These orators, who might sometimes be compared, by themselves, and by the public, to the most celebrated of the ancient Greeks, were united by the ties of the strictest friendship. They had cultivated, with equal ardour, the same liberal studies in the schools of Athens; they had retired, with equal devotion, to the same solitude in the deserts of Pontus; and every spark of emulation, or envy, appeared to be totally extinguished in the holy and ingenuous breasts of Gregory and Basil. But the exaltation of Basil, from a private life to the archiepiscopal throne of Cæsarea, discovered to the world, and perhaps to himself, the pride of his character; and the first favour which he condescended to bestow on his friend was received, and perhaps was intended, as a cruel insult.29 Instead of employing the superior talents of Gregory in some useful and conspicuous station, the haughty prelate selected, 25 See Jortin's Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, val. iv. p. 71. The thirty-third Oration of Gregory Nazianzen aflords, indeed, some similar ideas, even some still more ridiculous; but I have not yet found the words of this remarkable passage, which I allege on the faith of a correct and liberal scholar. 26 See the thirty-second Oration of Gregory Nazianzen, and the account of his own life, which he has composed in 1800 iambics. Yet every physician is prone to exaggerate the inveterate nature of the disease which he has cured. 27 I confess myself deeply indebted to the two Lives of Gregory Na. zianzen, composed, with very different views, by Tillemont (Mém. Ecclés. torn. ix. p. 305--560. 692–731.), and Le Clerc (Bibliothèque Universelle, tom. xviii. p. 1-128.). 28 Unless Gregory Nazianzen mistook thirty years in his own age, he was born, as well as his friend Basil, about the year 329. The preposterous chronology of Suidas has been graciously received: because it removes the scandal of Gregory's father, a saint likewise, begetting children, after he became a bishop. (Tillemont, Mém. Ecclés. tom. ix. p. 693-697.) 29 Gregory's Poem on his own Life contains some beautiful lines (toin. ii. p. 8.), which burst from the heart, and speak the pangs of injured and lost friendship: πονοι κοινοι λόγων, Ομοστεγος τε και συνέστιος βίος, accepts the mis tinople, A. D. 378, November. among the fifty bishoprics of his extensive province, the wretched village of Sasima,so without water, without verdure, without society, situate at the junction of three highways, and frequented only by the incessant passage of rude and clamorous wagoners. Gregory submitted with reluctance to this humiliating exile; he was ordained bishop of Sasima; but he solemnly protests, that he never consummated his spiritual marriage with this disgusting bride. He afterwards consented to undertake the government of his native church of Nazianzus,31 of which his father had been bishop above five and forty years. But as he was still conscious, that he deserved another audience, and another theatre, he accepted, with sion of Constan no unworthy ambition, the honourable invitation, which was addressed to him from the orthodox party of Constantinople. On his arrival in the capital, Gregory was entertained in the house of a pious and charitable kinsman; the most spacious room was consecrated to the uses of religious worship; and the name of Anastasia was chosen, to express the resurrection of the Nicene faith. This private conventicle was afterwards converted into a magnificent church; and the credulity of the succeeding age was prepared to believe the miracles and visions, which attested the presence, or at least the protection, of the Mother of God. 32 The pulpit of the Anastasia was the scene of the labours and triumphs of Gregory Nazianzen; and, in the space of two years, he experienced all the spiritual adventures which constitute the prosperous or adverse fortunes of a missionary.33 The Arians, who were provoked by the boldness of his enterprise, represented his doctrine, as if he had preached three distinct and equal Deities; and the devout populace was excited to suppress, by violence and tumult, the irregular assemblies of the Athanasian heretics. From the cathedral of St. Sophia, there issued a motley crowd" of common beggars, who had forfeited "their claim to pity; of monks, who had the appearance of goats or satyrs; and of women, "more terrible than so many Jezebels." The doors of the Anastasia were broke open; much mischief was perpetrated, or attempted, with sticks, stones, and firebrands; and as a man lost his life in the affray, Gregory, who was summoned the next morning before the magistrate, had the satisfaction of supposing, that he publicly Διασκέδασται παντα, ερριπται χαμάς, Is all the counsel that we two have shared, Shakspeare had never read the poems of Gregory Nazianzen; he was ignorant of the Greek language; but his mother tongue, the language of Nature, is the same in Cappadocia and in Britain. 30 This unfavourable portrait of Sasima is drawn by Gregory Na zianzen (tom. ii. de Vita suâ, p. 7, 8.). Its precise situation, forty-nine miles from Archelais, and thirty-two from Tyana, is fixed in the Itinerary of Antoninus (p. 144. edit. Wesseling.. 31 The name of Nazianzus had been immortalised by Gregory; but his native town, under the Greek or Roman title of Diocesarea (Tiemont, Mém. Ecclés. tom. ix. p. 692.), is mentioned by Pliny (vi. 3.), Ptolemy, and Hierocles. (Itinerar. Wesseling, p. 709.) It appears to have been situate on the edge of Isauria. 32 See Ducange, Constant. Christiana, l. iv. p. 141, 142. The fea Buvau of Sozomen (1. vii. c. 5.) is interpreted to mean the Virgin Mary. 33 Tillemont (Mém. Ecclés. tom. ix. p. 432, &c.) diligently col jects, enlarges, and explains, the oratorical and poetical hints of Gre gory himself. confessed the name of Christ. After he was delivered from the fear and danger of a foreign enemy, his infant church was disgraced and distracted by intestine faction. A stranger, who assumed the name of Maximus,34 and the cloak of a Cynic philosopher, insinuated himself into the confidence of Gregory; deceived and abused his favourable opinion; and forming a secret connection with some bishops of Egypt, attempted, by a clandestine ordination, to supplant his patron in the episcopal seat of Constantinople. These mortifications might sometimes tempt the Cappadocian missionary to regret his obscure solitude. But his fatigues were rewarded by the daily increase of his fame and his congregation; and he enjoyed the pleasure of observing, that the greater part of his numerous audience retired from his sermons, satisfied with the eloquence of the preacher,35 or dissatisfied with the manifold imperfections of their faith and practice.36 Ruin of ArianIsn at Constantinople. Nov. 26. The Catholics of Constantinople were animated with joyful confiA.D. 380, dence by the baptism and edict of Theodosius; and they impatiently waited the effects of his gracious promise. Their hopes were speedily accomplished; and the emperor, as soon as he had finished the operations of the campaign, made his public entry into the capital at the head of a victorious army. The next day after his arrival, he summoned Damophilus to his presence; and offered that Arian prelate the hard alternative of subscribing the Nicene creed, or of instantly resigning, to the orthodox believers, the use and possession of the episcopal palace, the cathedral of St. Sophia, and all the churches of Constantinople. The zeal of Damophilus, which in a Catholic saint would have been justly applauded, embraced, without hesitation, a life of poverty and exile,37 and his removal was immediately followed by the purification of the Imperial city. The Arians might complain, with some appearance of justice, that an inconsiderable congregation of sectaries should usurp the hundred churches, which they were insufficient to fill: whilst the far greater part of the people was cruelly excluded from every place of religious worship. Theodosius was still inexorable: but as the angels who protected the Catholic cause, were only visible to the eyes of faith, he prudently reinforced those heavenly legions, with the more effectual aid of temporal and carnal weapons: and the church of St. Sophia was occupied by a large body of the Imperial guards. If the mind of Gregory was susceptible of pride, he must have felt a very lively satisfaction, when the emperor conducted him through the streets in solemn triumph; and, with his own hand, respectfully placed him on the archiepiscopal 34 He pronounced an oration (tom. i. Orat. xxiii. p. 409.) in his praise; but after their quarrel, the name of Maxins was changed Into that of Heron. (See Jerom, tom. i. in Catalog. Script. Eccles. p. 301.) I touch slightly on these obscure and personal squabbles. 35 Under the modest emblem of a dream, Gregory (tom. ii. Carmen ix. p. 78.) describes his own success with some human complacency. Yet it should seem, from his familiar conversation with his auditor St. Jerom (tom. i. Epist. ad Nepotian. p.14.), that the preacher understood the true value of popular applause. 36 Lachrym auditorum laudes ture sint, is the lively and judicious advice of St. Jerom. 37 Socrates (1. v. c.7.) and Sozomen (1. vii. c. 5.) relate the evange lical words and actions of Damophilus without a word of arredation, In the East. A.D. 381, Jan. 10. throne of Constantinople. But the saint (who had not subdued the imperfections of human virtue) was deeply affected by the mortifying consideration, that his entrance into the fold was that of a wolf, rather than of a shepherd: that the glittering arms, which surrounded his person, were necessary for his safety; and that he alone was the object of the imprecations of a great party, whom, as men and citizens, it was impossible for him to despise. He beheld the innumerable multitude of either sex, and of every age, who crowded the streets, the windows, and the roofs of the houses; he heard the tumultuous voice of rage, grief, astonishment, and despair; and Gregory fairly confesses, that on the memorable day of his installation, the capital of the East wore the appearance of a city taken by storm, and in the hands of a barbarian conqueror, 38 About six weeks afterwards, Theodosius declared his resolution of expelling, from all the churches of his dominions, the bishops and their clergy, who should obstinately refuse to believe, or at least to profess, the doctrine of the council of Nice. His lieutenant Sapor was armed with the ample powers of a general law, a special commission, and a military force; 99 and this ecclesiastical revolution was conducted with so much discretion and vigour, that the religion of the emperor was established, without tumult, or bloodshed, in all the provinces of the East. The writings of the Arians, if they had been permitted to exist, 40 would perhaps contain the lamentable story of the persecution, which afflicted the church under the reign of the impious Theodosius; and the sufferings of their holy confessors might claim the pity of the disinterested reader. Yet there is reason to imagine, that the violence of zeal and revenge was, in some measure, eluded by the want of resistance; and that, in their adversity, the Arians displayed much less firmness, than had been exerted by the orthodox party under the reigns of Constantius and Valens. The moral character and conduct of the hostile sects appear to have been governed by the same common principles of nature and religion: but a very material circumstance may be discovered, which tended to distinguish the degrees of their theological faith. Both parties, in the schools, as well as in the temples, acknowledged and worshipped the divine majesty of Christ; and, as we are always prone to impute our own sentiments and passions to the Deity, it would be deemed more prudent and respectful to exaggerate, than to circumscribe, the adorable perfections of the Son of God. The disciple of Athanasius exulted in the proud confidence, that he had entitled himself to the divine favour; while the follower of Arius must have been tormented, by the secret He considered, says Socrates, that it is difficult to resist the powerful; but it was easy, and would have been profitable, to submit. 38 See Gregory Nazianzen, tom. ii. de Vita suâ, p. 21, 22. For the sake of posterity, the bishop of Constantinople records a stupendous prodigy. In the month of November, it was a cloudy morning, but the sun broke forth, when the procession entered the church. 39 Of the three ecclesiastical historians, Theodoret alone (1. v. c. 2.) has mentioned this important commission of Sapor, which Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 728.) judiciously removes, from the reign of Gratian, to that of Theodosius. 40 I do not reckon Philostorgius, though he mentions (1. ix. c. 19.) the expulsion of Damophilus. The Eunomian historian has been carefully strained through an orthodox sieve. apprehension, that he was guilty, perhaps, of an unpardonable offence, by the scanty praise, and parsimonious honours, which he bestowed on the Judge of the World. The opinions of Arianism might satisfy a cold and speculative mind but the doctrine of the Nicene creed, most powerfully recommended by the merits of faith and devotion, was much better adapted to become popular and successful in a believing age. The council of The hope, that truth and wisdom Constantinople. would be found in the assemblies of A. D. 381, May. the orthodox clergy, induced the emperor to convene, at Constantinople, a synod of one hundred and fifty bishops, who proceeded, without much difficulty or delay, to complete the theological system which had been established in the council of Nice. The vehement disputes of the fourth century had been chiefly employed on the nature of the Son of God; and the various opinions which were embraced concerning the Second, were extended and transferred, by a natural analogy, to the Third, person of the Trinity. 41 Yet it was found, or it was thought, necessary, by the victorious adversaries of Arianism, to explain the ambiguous language of some respectable doctors: to confirm the faith of the Catholics; and to condemn an unpopular and inconsistent sect of Macedonians; who freely admitted that the Son was consubstantial to the Father, while they were fearful of seeming to acknowledge the existence of Three Gods. A final and unanimous sentence was pronounced to ratify the equal Deity of the Holy Ghost; the mysterious doctrine has been received by all the nations, and all the churches, of the Christian world; and their grateful reverence has assigned to the bishops of Theodosius, the second rank among the general councils. 42 Their knowledge of religious truth may have been preserved by tradition, or it may have been communicated by inspiration; but the sober evidence of history will not allow much weight to the personal authority of the Fathers of Constantinople. In an age, when the ecclesiastics had scandalously degenerated from the model of apostolical purity, the most worthless and corrupt were always the most eager to frequent, and disturb, the episcopal assemblies. The conflict and fermentation of so many opposite interests and tempers inflamed the passions of the bishops: and their ruling passions were, the love of gold, and the love of dispute. Many of the same prelates who now applauded the orthodox piety of Theodosius, had repeatedly changed, with prudent flexibility, their creeds and opinions; and in the various revolutions of the church and state, the religion of their sovereign was the rule of their obsequious faith. When the emperor suspended his 41 Le Clerc has given a curious extract (Bibliothèque Universelle, tom. xviii. p. 91-105.) of the theological sermons which Gregory Nazianzen pronounced at Constantinople against the Arians, Eunomians, Macedonians, &c. He tells the Macedonians, who deified the Father and the Son, without the Holy Ghost, that they might as well be styled Tritheists as Ditheists. Gregory himself was almost a Tritheist; and his monarchy of heaven resembles a well-regulated aristocracy. 42 The first general council of Constantinople now triumphs in the Vatican but the popes had long hesitated, and their hesitation perplexes, and almost staggers, the humble Tillemont (Mém. Ecclés. tom. ix. p. 499, 500.). 43 Before the death of Meletius, six or eight of his most popular ecclesiastics, among whom was Flavian, had abjured, for the sake of peace, the bishopric of Antioch. (Sozomen, 1. vii. c. 3. 11. Socrates, prevailing influence, the turbulent synod was blindly impelled by the absurd or selfish motives of pride, hatred, and resentment. The death of Meletius, which happened at the council of Constantinople, presented the most favourable opportunity of terminating the schism of Antioch, by suffering his aged rival, Paulinus, peaceably to end his days in the episcopal chair. The faith and virtues of Paulinus were unblemished. But his cause was supported by the Western churches; and the bishops of the synod resolved to perpetuate the mischiefs of discord, by the hasty ordination of a perjured candidate, 43 rather than to betray the imagined dignity of the East, which had been illustrated by the birth and death of the Son of God. Such unjust and disorderly proceedings forced the gravest members of the assembly to dissent and to secede; and the clamorous majority, which remained masters of the field of battle, could be compared only to wasps or magpies, to a flight of cranes, or to a flock of geese. 44 Retreat of gory NaA. D. 381. zianzen. A suspicion may possibly arise, that so unfavourable a picture of ecclesiastical synods has been drawn by the partial hand of some obstinate heretic, or some malicious infidel. But the name of the sincere historian who has conveyed this instructive lesson to the knowledge of posterity, must silence the impotent murmurs of superstition and bigotry. He was one of the most pious and eloquent bishops of the age; a saint and a doctor of the church; the scourge of Arianism, and the pillar of the orthodox faith; a distinguished member of the council of Constantinople, in which, after the death of Meletius, he exercised the functions of president in a word - Gregory Nazianzen himself. The harsh and ungenerous treatment which he experienced,45 instead of derogating from the truth of his evidence, affords an additional proof of the spirit which actuated the deliberations of the synod. Their unanimous suffrage had confirmed the pretensions which the bishop of Constantinople derived from the choice of the people, and the approbation of the emperor. But Gregory soon became the victim of malice and envy. The bishops of the East, his strenuous adherents, provoked by his moderation in the affairs of Antioch, abandoned him, without support, to the adverse faction of the Egyptians; who disputed the validity of his election, and rigorously asserted the obsolete canon, that prohibited the licentious practice of episcopal translations. The pride, or the humility, of Gregory, prompted him to decline a contest which might have been imputed to ambition and avarice; and he publicly offered, not without some mixture of indignation, to renounce 1. v. c. 5.) Tillemont thinks it his duty to disbelieve the story; but he owns that there are many circumstances in the life of Flavian, which seem inconsistent with the praises of Chrysostom, and the character of a saint (Mém. Ecclés. tom. x. p. 541.). 44 Consult Gregory Nazianzen, de Vita sua, tom. il. p. 25–28. His general and particular opinion of the clergy and their assemblies may be seen in verse and prose (tom.i. Orat. i. p. 33., Epist. Iv. p.814. tom. ii. Carmen 1. p. 81.). Such passages are faintly marked by Tillemont, and fairly produced by Le Clerc. 45 See Gregory, tom. ii. de Vita sua, p. 28-31. The fourteenth, twenty-seventh, and thirty-second Orations were pronounced in the several stages of this business. The peroration of the last (tom. i. p. 528.), in which he takes a solemn leave of men and angels, the city and the emperor, the East and the West, &c. is pathetic, and almost sublime. 2 the government of a church, which had been restored, and almost created, by his labours. His resignation was accepted by the synod, and by the emperor, with more readiness than he seems to have expected. At the time when he might have hoped to enjoy the fruits of his victory, his episcopal throne was filled by the senator Nectarius; and the new archbishop, accidentally recommended by his easy temper and venerable aspect, was obliged to delay the ceremony of his consecration, till he had previously despatched the rites of his baptism. 46 After this remarkable experience of the ingratitude of princes and prelates, Gregory retired once more to his obscure solitude of Cappadocia; where he employed the remainder of his life, about eight years, in the exercises of poetry and devotion. The title of Saint has been added to his name; but the tenderness of his heart,47 and the elegance of his genius, reflect a more pleasing lustre on the memory of Gregory Nazianzen. the beretics. Edicts of The- It was not enough that Theodoodosius against sius had suppressed the insolent A. D. 380 394. reign of Arianism, or that he had abundantly revenged the injuries which the Catholics sustained from the zeal of Constantius and Valens. The orthodox emperor considered every heretic as a rebel against the supreme powers of heaven and of earth; and each of those powers might exercise their peculiar jurisdiction over the soul and body of the guilty. The decrees of the council of Constantinople had ascertained the true standard of the faith; and the ecclesiastics, who governed the conscience of Theodosius, suggested the most effectual methods of persecution. In the space of fifteen years, he promulgated at least fifteen severe edicts against the heretics ;48 more especially against those who rejected the doctrine of the Trinity; and to deprive them of every hope of escape, he sternly enacted, that if any laws or rescripts should be alleged in their favour, the judges should consider them as the illegal productions, either of fraud, or forgery. The penal statutes were directed against the ministers, the assemblies, and the persons of the heretics; and the passions of the legislator were expressed in the language of declamation and invective. I. The heretical teachers, who usurped the sacred titles of Bishops, or Presbyters, were not only excluded from the privileges and emoluments so liberally granted to the orthodox clergy, but they were exposed to the heavy penalties of exile and confiscation, if they presumed to preach the doctrine, or to practise the rites, of their accursed sects. Α fine of ten pounds of gold (above four hundred pounds sterling) was imposed on every person who should dare to confer, or receive, or promote, an heretical ordination: and it was 46 The whimsical ordination of Nectarius is attested by Sozornen 1. vii. c. 8.); but Tillemont observes (Mém. Ecclés. tom. ix. p. 719.), Après tout, ce narré de Sozomene est si honteux pour tous ceux qu'il Įmele, et surtout pour Théodose, qu'il vaut mieux travailler à le détruire, qu'à le soutenir: an admirable canon of criticism! 47 I can only be understood to mean, that such was his natural semper; when it was not hardened, or inflamed, by religious zeal. From his retirement, he exhorts Nectarius to prosecute the heretics of Constantinople. 49 See the Theodosian Code, 1. xvi. tit. v. leg. 6-23., with Godefioy's commentary on each law, and his general summary, or Puratam, tom. vi. p. 101-110. reasonably expected, that if the race of pastors could be extinguished, their helpless flocks would be compelled, by ignorance and hunger, to return within the pale of the Catholic church. II. The rigorous prohibition of conventicles was carefully extended to every possible circumstance, in which the heretics could assemble with the intention of worshipping God and Christ according to the dictates of their conscience. Their religious meetings, whether public or secret, by day or by night, in cities or in the country, were equally proscribed by the edicts of Theodosius; and the building, or ground, which had been used for that illegal purpose, was forfeited to the Imperial domain. III. It was supposed, that the error of the heretics could proceed only from the obstinate temper of their minds; and that such a temper was a fit object of censure and punishment. The anathemas of the church were fortified by a sort of civil excommunication; which separated them from their fellow-citizens, by a peculiar brand of infamy; and this declaration of the supreme magistrate tended to justify, or at least to excuse, the insults of a fanatic populace. The sectaries were gradually disqualified for the possession of honourable, or lucrative, employments; and Theodosius was satisfied with his own justice, when he decreed, that, as the Eunomians distinguished the nature of the Son from that of the Father, they should be incapable of making their wills, or of receiving any advantage from testamentary donations. The guilt of the Manichæan heresy was esteemed of such magnitude, that it could be expiated only by the death of the offender; and the same capital punishment was inflicted on the Audians, or Quartodecimans, 49 who should dare to perpetrate the atrocious crime, of celebrating, on an improper day, the festival of Easter. Every Roman might exercise the right of public accusation; but the office of Inquisitors of the Faith, a name so deservedly abhorred, was first instituted under the reign of Theodosius. Yet we are assured, that the execution of his penal edicts was seldom enforced; and that the pious emperor appeared less desirous to punish, than to reclaim, or terrify, his refractory subjects. 50 Priscillian and A. D. 385. The theory of persecution was Execution of established by Theodosius, whose his associates. justice and piety have been applauded by the saints: but the practice of it, in the fullest extent, was reserved for his rival and colleague, Maximus, the first, among the Christian princes, who shed the blood of his Christian subjects, on account of their religious opinions. The cause of the Priscillianists, 51 a recent sect of heretics, who disturbed the provinces of Spain, was transferred, by appeal, from the synod of Bourdeaux to the Imperial consistory 49 They always kept their Easter, like the Jewish Passover, on the fourteenth day of the first moon after the vernal equinox; and thus pertinaciously opposed the Roman church and Nicene synod, which had fired Easter to a Sunday. Bingham's Antiquities, 1. xx. c. 5. vol. ii. p. 309. fol. edit. 50 Sozomen, 1. vii. c. 12. 51 See the Sacred History of Sulpicius Severus (1. ii. p. 437-452. edit. Lugd. Bat. 1647.), a correct and original writer. Dr. Lardner (Credibility, &c. part ii. vol ix. p. 256-330.) has laboured this article with pure learning, good sense, and moderation. Tillemont (Mém. Ecclés. tom. viii. p. 491-527.) has raked together all the dirt of the fathers: an useful scavenger! |