the exercise of religion.

A young man, then unknown to fame,

proposed

an amendment. He was James Madison, the son of an Orange County planter, bred in the school of Presbyterian dissenters under Witherspoon at Princeton, trained by his own studies, by meditative rural life in the Old Dominion, by an ingenuous indignation at the persecution of the Baptists, and by the innate principles of right, to uphold the sanctity of religious freedom. He objected to the word "toleration," because it implied an established religion, which endured dissent only as a condescension; and as the earnestness of his convictions overcame his modesty, he proceeded to demonstrate that "all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience." . This was

the first achievement of the wisest civilian of Virginia.-Bancroft, vol. iv., p. 417.

In the spring of 1760 I went to William and Mary College where I continued two years. It was my great good fortune, and what probably fixed the destinies of my life, that Dr. William Small of Scotland was then professor of Mathematics, a man profound in most of the useful branches of science, with a happy talent of communication, correct and gentlemanly manners, and an enlarged and liberal mind. He most happily for me became soon attached to me and made me his daily companion when not engaged in the school; and from his conversation I got my first views of the expansion of science, and of the system of things in which we are placed.—Jefferson's Autobiography, p. 2.

'Bancroft, vol. vi., p. 211.

8 See Appendix A (James Wilson and the Convention of 1787).

9 Grouping together, then, these facts among others—the fact that Presbyterianism is in its own nature a system of pure representative republican government, and as such in striking harmony, both in form and spirit, with that of the State and nation; that it has always been peculiarly odious to tyrants; the numerous patriotic deliverances of the Synod of New York and Philadelphia and of some of the Presbyteries of our Church; the fact that “the first voice publicly raised in America to dissolve all connection with Great Britain," was that of the Presbyterians, the Westmoreland County resolutions and the Mecklenburg Declaration; the fact that Witherspoon, a Presbyterian of the most authentic type, represented in the Continental Congress the compact Presbyterianism of the land, and that (besides his other numerous and exceedingly important services) he threw the whole weight of his own personal influence and that of those he represented, first in favor of the Declaration of Independence and then in favor of the organization of the States into a confederate union-and we have some of the grounds upon which to base an estimate of the share which Presbyterians had in building and launching that national vessel that now rides so proudly upon the billows with forty millions of voyagers on board.-W. P. Breed, Presbyterians and the Revolution, pp. 177-179.

10 See Letters and Other Writings of James Madison, vol. ii., p. 144; vol. iv., pp. 469475, 480, 482; Works of John Adams, vol. iv., p. 358; Works of Thomas Jefferson, vol. ix., p. 97.

11 The choice between a confederacy and a republic was very much the same as a choice between Congregationalism and Presbyterianism; for Congregationalism is a confederacy of independent churches, but Presbyterianism is an organized representative and constitutional government. The Presbyterian form of government was familiar to the great mass of the inhabitants in the middle and southern colonies; it was the form of government which Puritan Episcopacy has ever preferred. The Congregationalism of Connecticut and of other parts of New England tended in the same direction. There is no reason to doubt that Presbyterianism influenced the framers of the Constitution in their efforts to erect a national organism,—a constitutional republic. But Congregationalism also had its influence in defining the limitations of the supremacy of the general government and in the reservation of the sovereignty of the States in all those affairs which were not assigned to the general government. It is true, Presbyterianism was prepared for such limitations by the Scotch Barrier Act of 1697, which prevented hasty legislation by an appeal to all the Presbyteries

of the Church; and still more by the persistent resistance of American Presbyterianism to any legislative power in the Synod, without the consent of the Presbyteries. But the limitations of the general government in the American Constitution were beyond anything known to Presbyterianism before, and the reserved rights of the States were vastly in excess of any rights ever claimed or exercised by Presbyteries. The American form of civil government was a happy combination of some of the best features presented in Presbyterianism and in Congregationalism.—Briggs, American Presbyterianism, pp. 356, 357.

12 See Bancroft, vol. vi., book iii.

13 See Madison's Works, vol. ii., p. 144; vol. iv., pp. 469-475, 480-482.

14 Writings of Thomas Jefferson, vol. ix., p. 97.

15 Critical Period of American History, p. 289.

16 See extracts from debates in the Constitutional Convention, and particularly the words of Sherman and Gerry (Appendix A).

17 Campbell, The Puritan in Holland, England, and America. vol. ii., pp. 426-430. 18 Ibid., vol. ii., chap. xxii.

19 Ibid., vol. ii., pp. 465-467 (by permission of Messrs. Harper & Brothers).

20 The Evolution of the Constitution of the United States, pp. 90–93.

21 See Appendix B (Pennsylvania's Formative Influence).

אן

CHAPTER III

THE SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICAN POLITICS

N more recent years Scotland's contribution to the United States has been no less remarkable in the number and high standing of the Scottish names which appear on America's Roll of Honor than it was in the early days of the Republic.

Starting with the governors of the States and Territories, a brief examination of the civil lists published in Lanman's Biographical Annals of the Civil Government, a semi-official work, shows that up to the year in which that book was printed (1886) there have been about half a dozen more than one thousand State or Territorial governors in office since 1789. Of these, judging from the names alone, more than two hundred are of evident Scottish descent, and it is altogether probable that if a closer inspection were to be made a great many more would be found of that race, although bearing names alike common to Scotland and England. In connection with the same subject it may be remarked that, of the colonial governors sent from England to the American colonies before 1776, and of the provincial governors from that time to 1789, upwards of forty were of Scottish blood, among them being Robert Hunter (1710), William Burnett (1720), John Montgomerie (1728), John Hamilton (1736), Cadwallader Colden (1760), John, Earl of Dunmore (1770), James Robertson (1780), all of New York; Robert Barclay (1682), John Skene (1686), Lord Neil Campbell (1687), Andrew Hamilton, John Hamilton (1736), William Livingston (1776), all of New Jersey; Andrew Hamilton (1701), Sir William Keith (1717), Patrick Gordon (1726), James Logan (1736), James Hamilton (1748), Joseph Reed (1778), all of Pennsylvania; and all, except the one last named, governors of Delaware also; John McKinley (1777), of Delaware; Alexander Spotswood (1710), William Gooch (?) (1727), Robert Dinwiddie (1752), John Campbell (1756), John Blair (1767), William Nelson (1770), Lord Dunmore (1772), Patrick Henry (1776), Thomas Nelson (1781), all of Virginia; William Drummond (1663), Gabriel Johnston (1734), Matthew Rowan (1753), Alexander Martin (1782), Samuel Johnston (1788), all of North Carolina; Joseph Morton (?) (1682), Richard Kirk (1684), James Moore (1719), William Campbell (1775), John Rutledge (1779), all of South Carolina; William Erwin (1775), Archibald Bulloch (1776), John Houston (1778), Edward Telfair (1786), all of Georgia; and George Johnstone (1763), of Florida.

Of the State governors from 1789 to 1885, the Scotch furnished to Pennsylvania nearly one-half her chief executives; to Virginia, nearly onethird; to North Carolina, more than one-fourth; to South Carolina, nearly

one-third; to Georgia, more than one-half; to Alabama, more than onefifth; to Mississippi, about one-fifth; to Louisiana, more than one-fifth; to Texas, about one-third; to Tennessee, nearly one-half; to Kentucky, about one-third; to Ohio, one-half; to Indiana, more than one-third; to Illinois, nearly one-third; to Missouri, nearly one-half.

Among other celebrated Scottish characters of colonial times may be mentioned Captain William Kidd, the notorious pirate, Major Richard Stobo, and possibly Sir William Johnson, Great Britain's celebrated Indian agent in the Mohawk valley.

Of Scotch descent, also, on both sides of his house, was General George Rogers Clark, the record of whose daring and successful campaigns north of the Ohio River in 1778, is not surpassed in American history. To this man alone the United States owes that part of its territory lying between the Ohio and Mississippi rivers; and had it not been for the conquest of this empire from the British by Clark and his Scotch-Irish soldiers, the States of Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Iowa, Wisconsin, and Minnesota might have been to-day a portion of the Dominion of Canada.'

In the naval wars of 1776 and later, we find among the most celebrated commanders the following of Scottish birth or descent: John Paul Jones, Samuel Nicholson, Richard Dale, Alexander Murray, Charles Stewart, James Barron, John Rodgers, Sr., John Rodgers, Jr., Thomas McDonough, Matthew Galbraith Perry, Oliver Hazard Perry,' Franklin Buchanan.

Some well-known border heroes of Scottish descent, besides George Rogers Clark, were Adam and Andrew Poe, Samuel Brady, Captain Jack, Simon Kenton, Kit Carson, David Crockett, and Samuel Houston.

Among the American generals and warriors since the Revolution none rank higher than Andrew Jackson, Winfield Scott, Hugh Brady, Zachary Taylor, U. S. Grant, James B. McPherson, George B. McClellan, J. E. Johnston, Stonewall Jackson, J. E. B. Stuart, James Longstreet, John A. Rawlins, Robert H. Milroy, Lew Wallace, Irvin McDowell, Q. A. Gilmore, Hugh Kilpatrick, Francis P. Blair, John F. Reynolds, Fitz-John Porter, David Hunter, William H. Jackson, Alexander W. Campbell, David Bell, William Birney, Horace Porter, John A. McNulta, Alexander Hays, Lafayette McLaws, D. M. Gregg, Schuyler Hamilton, John J. Abercrombie, William H. Lytle, John B. S. Todd, Winfield S. Hancock, Clement A. Finley, Isaac Ridgeway Trimble, James Ronald Chalmers, George A. McCall, John A. McClernand, Nathan B. Forrest, Benjamin McCulloch, John B. Magruder, John B. Gordon, John A. Logan, Theodore Roosevelt, Henry W. Lawton, Frederick Funston, and Daniel, George W., Robert L., Alexander McD., Daniel, Jr., Edwin S., Edward M., and Anson G. McCook, all of Scottish blood.

3

In American politics this race has been represented by such individuals as Thomas H. Benton, John C. Calhoun,* Jefferson Davis, James G. Blaine, Thomas A. Hendricks, Joseph E. McDonald, John Bell, Alexander H.

Stephens, Samuel Randall, J. C. Breckenridge, John G. Carlisle, Simon Cameron, the Livingstons of New York, William B. Allison, John B. Gibson, Matthew S. Quay, Calvin S. Brice, Marcus A. Hanna, Whitelaw Reid, J. Sterling Morton, Wayne McVeagh, Chauncey Mitchell Depew, Robert Todd Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Adlai E. Stevenson, Stephen B. Elkins, Daniel S. Lamont, Arthur P. Gorman, William McKinley.'

In the Presidents' Cabinets, the Scotch have been represented as Secretaries of State by Edward Livingston, Louis McLane, John Forsyth, John C. Calhoun, James Buchanan, Jeremiah S. Black, James G. Blaine, John Hay; Secretaries of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton, George W. Campbell, Alexander J. Dallas, William H. Crawford, Louis McLane, Thomas Ewing, Thomas Corwin, James Guthrie, Howell Cobb, Salmon P. Chase, Hugh McCulloch; Secretaries of War, Henry Knox, James McHenry, John Armstrong, James Monroe, William H. Crawford, George Graham, John C. Calhoun, James Barbour, Peter B. Porter, John Bell, James M. Porter, George W. Crawford, Jefferson Davis, Simon Cameron, U. S. Grant, James D. Cameron, George W. McCrary, Alexander Ramsey, Robert Todd Lincoln, Daniel S. Lamont; Secretaries of the Navy, Paul Hamilton, Thomas W. Gilmer, William A. Graham, John P. Kennedy, James C. Dobbin, George M. Robeson, Nathan W. Goff; Secretaries of the Interior, Thomas Ewing, Alexander H. H. Stuart, Robert McClelland, James Harlan, Henry M. Teller; Postmasters-General, John McLean, James Campbell, Montgomery Blair, Frank Hatton; Attorneys-General, John Breckenridge, Felix Grundy, Jeremiah S. Black, James Speed, John W. Griggs; United States Senators, (since 1860), Blair (2), Cameron (2), Cockrell, Gibson, Logan, McMillan, McPherson, Mitchell (2), Stewart, Teller, McEnery, Caffery, Butler, McLaurin, Cannon, Vance, Johnston, Houston, Bailey, Blaine, Burnside, Gordon, Sharon, Armstrong, Beck, Wallace, Thurman, Patterson (2), Oglesby, McDonald (2), McCreery, Brownlow, Caldwell, Kelly, Ramsey, Robertson, Scott (2), Tipton, Corbett, Harlan, Hill, Pomeroy, Wilson, Ross, Dixon, Davis (2), Guthrie, Grimes, Welch, Cowan, McDougall, Henderson, Hendricks, Nesmith, Carlisle, Breckenridge, Kennedy, Johnson, Hunter, Hemphill, Douglas, Morton, McComas, Ross, Clark, Foster, McCumber, Hanna, Culberson, Hamilton (2), Mills, Kyle, McBride, Brice, Lindsay, Blackburn, Palmer, Cullom, Call, Kenney, Beveridge, and others; Speakers of the House, John Bell, James K. Polk, Robert M. T. Hunter, Howell Cobb, James L. Orr, James G. Blaine, Michael C. Kerr, Samuel J. Randall, John G. Carlisle, David B. Henderson.

In literature may be named Washington Irving, Edgar Allan Poe, Herman Melville, Joel Chandler Harris, Lew Wallace, Marion Crawford, Thomas Nelson Page, Maurice Thompson; in art, Gilbert Stuart, J. McNeil Whistler, Walter MacEwen, George Inness, J. Q. A. Ward, James Wilson McDonald, James D. Smillie, Alexander Doyle, E. F. Andrews, Thomas Crawford, Frederick MacMonnies, John W. Alexander; in music, Edward MacDowell.