had no sooner got free from their fetters than they scourged their fellow refugees with scorpions; though the absurdity, as well as the injustice of such a proceeding in them, might stare them in the face."-Burke, European Settlements in America, vol. ii., p. 151.

3 Most of the States [at the time of Jefferson's inauguration] had had property qualifications as limitations either on the right of suffrage or on the composition of the legislature. The Republican policy had been to remove such limitations in the States which they controlled, and to diminish the time of residence required for naturalization. The bulk of the new voters, therefore, went to them, and they were continually making their hold stronger on the States which had come under their control. New England and Delaware remained Federalist, and Maryland was doubtful; the other States could be counted on almost certainly as Republican. Under the New England system, governmental powers were practically divided among a multitude of little town republics; and restriction on the right of suffrage, intrenched in these towns, had to be conquered in a thousand successive strongholds. The towns, too, sufficient to themselves, cared little for the exclusion from national life involved in their system; and for nearly twenty years New England was excommunicated from national politics. It was not until the rise of manufactures and of dissenting sects had reinforced continuous agitation that the Republican revolution penetrated New England and overcame the tenacious resistance of her people.— Alexander Johnston, "History of Parties," in Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. vii., p. 272. 4" Knox, under God, made the Scotch and the Scotch-Irish.

"Observe well, the influence of this prophetic patriot was felt most at St. Andrews, through the long Strathclyde, in the districts of Ayr, Dumfries, and Galloway, the Lothians and Renfrew. There exactly clustered the homes which thrilled to the herald voice of Patrick Hamilton; there were the homes which drank in the strong wine of Knox; there were the homes of tenacious memories and earnest fireside talk; there were the homes which sent forth once and again the calm, shrewd, iron-nerved patriots who spurned as devil's lie the doctrine of 'passive resistance'; and there-mark it well-were the homes that sent their best and bravest to fill and change Ulster; thence came in turn the ScotchIrish of the Eaglewing; thence came the settlers of Pennsylvania, Virginia, the Carolinas, Tennessee, and Kentucky; and the sons of these men blush not as they stand beside the children of the Mayflower or the children of the Bartholomew martyrs. I know whereof I affirm. My peculiar education and somewhat singular work planted me, American-born, in the very heart of these old ancestral scenes; and from parishioners who held with deathless grip the very words of Peden, Welsh, and Cameron, from hoary-headed witnesses in the Route of Antrim and on the hills of Down, have I often heard of the lads who went out to bleed at Valley Forge,-to die as victors on King's Mountain,- and stand in the silent triumph of Yorktown. We have more to thank Knox for than is commonly told to-day.

"Here we reach our Welshes and Witherspoons, our Tennents and Taylors, our Calhouns and Clarks, our Cunninghams and Caldwells, our Pollocks, Polks, and Pattersons, our Scotts and Grays and Kennedys, our Reynoldses and Robinsons, our McCooks, McHenrys, McPhersons, and McDowells.

46 But the man behind is Knox. Would you see his monument? Look around. Yes: To this, our own land, more than any other, I am convinced must we look for the fullest outcome and the yet all unspent force of this more than royal leader, this masterful and moulding soul. . . . Carlyle has said: 'Scotch literature and thought, Scotch industry; James Watt, David Hume, Walter Scott, Robert Burns. I find Knox and the Reformation at the heart's core of every one of those persons and phenomena; I find that without Knox and the Reformation, they would not have been. Or what of Scotland?' Yea, verily ; no Knox, no Watt, no Burns, no Scotland, as we know and love and thank God for : And must we not say no men of the Covenant; no men of Antrim and Down, of Derry and Enniskillen; no men of the Cumberland valleys; no men of the Virginian hills; no men of the Ohio stretch, of the Georgian glades and the Tennessee Ridge; no rally at Scone; no

thunders in St. Giles; no testimony from Philadelphian Synod; no Mecklenburg declaration; no memorial from Hanover Presbytery; no Tennent stirring the Carolinas; no Craighead sowing the seeds of the coming revolution; no Witherspoon pleading for the signing of our great charter; and no such declaration and no such constitution as are ours, - the great Tilghman himself being witness in these clear words, never by us to be let die: 'The framers of the Constitution of the United States were greatly indebted to the standards of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland in modelling that admirable document.'- Rev. John S. McIntosh, Proceedings Scotch-Irish Society of America, vol. i., pp. 199–201.

"In the history of Scotland, too, I can find properly but one epoch: we may say, it contains nothing of world-wide interest at all but this Reformation by Knox. A poor, barren country, full of continual broils, dissensions, massacrings; a people in the last state of rudeness and destitution, little better perhaps than Ireland at this day. Hungry, fierce barons, 'not so much as able to form any arrangement with each other how to divide what they fleeced from these poor drudges; but obliged, as the Columbian Republics are at this day, to make of every alteration a revolution; no way of changing a ministry but by hanging the old ministers on gibbets: this is a historical spectacle of no very singular significance: 'Bravery' enough, I doubt not; fierce fighting in abundance: but not braver or fiercer than that of their old Scandinavian Sea-king ancestors; whose exploits we have not found worth dwelling on! It is a country as yet without a soul: nothing developed in it but what is rude, external, semi-animal. And now at the Reformation, the internal life is kindled, as it were, under the ribs of this outward material death. A cause, the noblest of causes, kindles itself, like a beacon set on high; high as Heaven, yet attainable from Earth ;-whereby the meanest man becomes not a Citizen only, but a Member of Christ's visible Church; a veritable Hero, if he prove a true man!

"This that Knox did for his nation, I say, we may really call a resurrection as from death. It was not a smooth business; but it was welcome, surely, and cheap at that price, had it been far rougher. On the whole, cheap at any price ;—as life is. The people began to live: they needed first of all to do that, at what cost and costs soever. Scotch Literature and Thought, Scotch Industry; James Watt, David Hume, Walter Scott, Robert Burns: I find Knox and the Reformation acting in the heart's core of every one of these persons and phenomena; I find that without the Reformation they would not have been."-Thomas Carlyle, On Heroes and Hero Worship, iv.

So much for the early clergy. As to the magistrates, in the mouths of James I. and Charles I., of Philip II. of Spain, or Louis XIV. of France, the words: "We see not that any should have authority to set up any other exercises besides what authority had already set up," these words in those mouths would have had a familiar as well as an ominous sound. To certain of those who listened to them, they must have had a sound no less ominous when uttered by Governor John Winthrop in the Cambridge meeting-house on the 17th of November, 1637. In them was definitely formulated and clearly announced the policy thereafter to be pursued in Massachusetts. It was thereafter pursued in Massachusetts. John Winthrop, John Endicott, and Thomas Dudley were all English Puritans. As such they had sought refuge from authority in Massachusetts. On what ground can the impartial historian withhold from them the judgment he visits on James and Philip and Charles and Louis? The fact would seem to be that the position of the latter was logical though cruel ; while the position of the former was cruel and illogical.—C. F. Adams, Massachusetts: Its Historians and Its History, p. 38.

"See letter of Col. William Byrd, written from Virginia to Lord Egmont, July 12, 1730, printed in American Historical Review for October, 1895, vol. i., p. 88; also, W. E. B. DuBois, The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States of America, 1638-1870, chapter iv. (Harvard Historical Studies, vol. i.).

* Bancroft, vol. ii., pp. 276–279, 549, 550; vol. iii., pp. 410-413; vol. iv., p. 34; vol. V., p. 329.

"I have found no mention of negroes in the colony until about 1650. The first brought here as slaves were in a Dutch ship; after which the English commenced the trade, and continued it until the Revolutionary War. That suspended, ipso facto, their further importation for the present, and the business of the war pressing constantly on the Legislature, this subject was not acted on finally until the year '78, when I brought in a bill to prevent their further importation. This passed without opposition, and stopped the increase of the evil by importation, leaving to future efforts its final eradication. In 1769 I became a member of the Legislature by the choice of the county in which I lived, and so continued until it was closed by the Revolution. I made one effort in that body for the permission of the emancipation of slaves, which was rejected; and indeed, during the regal government nothing liberal could expect success."- Jefferson's Autobiography, pp. 3, 38.

8" In 1681, William Penn received from Charles II. a grant of the Province of Pennsylvania, including what is now the State of Delaware. Penn's mother was a Dutch woman from Rotterdam, and one very prominent in her generation. His peculiar religious ideas, as we have already seen, were derived from his mother's country. He travelled extensively in Holland, and spoke the language so well that he preached to the Dutch Quakers in their native tongue. Finally, before coming to America, he took up his residence for some time at Emden, in democratic East Friesland. Under all these influences, he sat down in 1682, and prepared a "Frame of Government" for his dominion, and a "Code of Laws," which was afterwards adopted by the General Assembly. In their preparation he was assisted by Algernon Sidney, who had lived many years upon the Continent, who was perfectly familiar with the institutions of the Netherland Republic and on most intimate terms with its leading statesmen. How much they borrowed from Holland we shall see hereafter. [The registration of land titles; that all prisons should be workhouses for felons, vagrants, etc., and should be free to others as to fees, board, and lodgings; that landed estate should be liable for a descendant's debt (one-third in cases where issue was left); that one-third the estate of a murderer passed to the next of kin of his victim; that all children in the province over the age of twelve were to be taught a trade; religious toleration.]

"With Pennsylvania, we reach the most southern point to which a Dutch influence upon the early settlers of America can be traced, as we also reach the limit of the colonies whose institutions, except that of slavery, have affected the American Commonwealth. Virginia alone contributed an idea, that of the natural equality of man; but this was borrowed by her statesmen from the Roman law.

'One fact in connection with the Southern colonies, which in early days were almost wholly under an English influence, is very significant. In 1669, John Locke, with the aid of the Earl of Shaftesbury, prepared a frame of government for Carolina. None of the provisions of this constitution, except that for recording deeds and mortgages, were borrowed from Holland, and not one of them, with this exception, has found a permanent place among American Institutions. The Puritans in Holland, England, and America, vol. ii., pp. 418420 (by permission of Messrs. Harper & Brothers).

This Presbytery furnished 10,000 names to a petition, which was the force back of Jefferson's bill for religious freedom (1785), an enactment of which he was so proud that he had a statement of the fact that he was its author engraved upon his tombstone. The petition is printed herein as Appendix F.

10 The Puritan in Holland, England, and America, vol. ii., p. 502.

11 Cotton's "Answer to Williams," Narragansett Club Publications, vol. iii., pp. 48-49; also vol. ii., p. 27.

12 See Appendix L (Tithes in Ulster.)

13 The first printed protest in America against slavery, issued by Rev. George Keith, a Scotch Quaker, October 13, 1693, and published at New York by William Bradford, is reproduced in the Pennsylvania Magazine, vol. xiii., pp. 265-270.

CHAPTER VIII

THE SCOTTISH KIRK AND HUMAN LIBERTY

T may seem a reiteration of the words of Mr. Henry Thomas Buckle to say that the history of Scotland during the century and a half from 1550 to 1700 is almost completely merged in the history of the Scottish Church.' He who would form a just conception of the forces in operation in that country, during the period when the Middle Ages passed away and the modern era began, must study them chiefly in connection with their bearing on religion. But it will not suffice in such an investigation to assume that ecclesiasticism means religion. In his elaborate and, in some respects, highly philosophical analysis of civilization in Scotland,' it seems to the writer that Mr. Buckle has failed to reach a wholly true and satisfactory estimate of Scottish character, and that in just so far as he has neglected to discriminate in this regard. It is true he approaches the subject from the logical English point of view. Looking upon the institution of the Church with strictly utilitarian eyes, he fails to perceive the spiritual life of its people, of which the Church in Scotland may in all seriousness be considered merely the medium of expression. Long accustomed by heredity, training, and experience to the ecclesiastical system at home, which, even down to his own time, was wont to administer to its adherents only such theological pabulum as would nourish doctrines according with the views and vices of its reigning head, it is at least not surprising that the great mind which produced the Introduction to the History of Civilization in England should fail to strike the keynote of that part of its theme which relates to North Britain. Nor can it be greatly wondered at, in view of the history of the English Church establishment, that one of its native observers should formulate a judgment against the religious system of the neighboring country, finding evidences in it of the same spirit which dominated the Church at home, and denouncing it as the chief hindrance to its country's progress; even though in so doing his gravest charge against the Scottish Church is, that its votaries have too much superstitious reverence for God and the Bible.

It will ever be a matter of regret that Mr. Buckle passed away just as he had fairly entered upon the prosecution of his great work. Still more is it to be regretted that he died before the full promulgation of our modern theories of science and philosophy. Had he lived to-day it is not unlikely that his name would have been linked with that of Herbert Spencer, and his methods in historical analysis become analogous in nature and merit to those of that master-thinker in matters of speculative philosophy. He might, in some respects, have excelled that philosopher had he enjoyed the fuller knowledge of the present day instead of beginning to unfold and develop his theories of the philosophy of history by the light of the first fitful and

half-clouded rays of forty years ago. In that event, being a student of history, it is possible Buckle might have taken a different view of the part religion has played in the progress of the world from that expressed in his work. He might, also, afterwards have based his theory as to Scottish progress or retrogression upon a different premise from the one which he has used. Whether he would have done so or not, however, it is reasonably certain that, if living to-day, he would have seen a gradual change of public opinion between the years 1861 and 1900 as to the correctness of his original hypothesis. Nor could he have failed to perceive a slowly growing conviction on the part of fair-minded thinkers-a conviction that, after all, some of the chief elements of human progress are bound up with the phenomena of religion; that human nature does not reach its highest development under a strictly intellectual standard of morality; that human reason is not yet sufficiently acute to classify, much less to harmonize, the incongruities of daily life and experience; in short, that the permanency of nations and the endurance of the race itself depends not so much upon intellectual development as upon the cultivation, to a greater or less extent, of those restraining influences of religion which the able author of the History of Civilization in England has denominated a mixture of wonder and fear."

Mr. Buckle has failed to grasp the one salient point necessary for a right understanding of the history of religion and its effects in Scotland. Or, noting the results of a certain moving cause, he has so clouded and distorted the evidences of its presence that we can only reach a true apprehension of the cause by reasoning backward from his luminous and eulogistic summary of its effect.

This cause or principle of action in the Scottish people, the workings of which have been so beneficial to the growth of human liberty and to man's progress, this divine afflatus which Mr. Buckle seeks to stigmatize by the use of that much-abused term "superstition," and to classify as an emanation from the caverns of darkness and ignorance, is the principle of conscience. It is this which is the guiding light of the Scottish soul and intellect. Without the full and just recognition of its pervading influence among that people, it were vain for us to attempt to read aright the lessons of Scottish history; and idle to seek for explanation of the reasons for Scottish pre-eminence, of which we see so many proofs in the mental and material subjugation of the earth.

Probably the most noticeable instance of the blindness of the author of the History of Civilization in England is afforded in the conclusion reached by him in the following passage':

By this union of ignorance with danger, the clergy had, in the fifteenth century, obtained more influence in Scotland than in any other European country, Spain alone excepted. And as the power of the nobles had increased quite as rapidly, it was natural that the Crown, completely overshadowed by the great barons, should turn for aid to the Church. During