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"many years" over which the Saga (Laing, iii. 12) spreads his warfare must be cut down to the two years 1038-1040, busy years enough certainly. He then returns to Constantinople and goes on his pilgrimage to Jerusalem, from which he must have returned between 1042, when Constantine Monomachos began to reign, and 1044, when Harold again appears in the North. The Saga distinctly calls Mary, the princess whom Harold carries off, a daughter of a brother of Zôê, but it is quite certain that her father Constantine the Eighth had no son.

I can see nothing in the Saga which at all suggests a visit to Athens.

NOTE L. p. 81.

THE LOTHARINGIAN CHURCHMEN UNDER EADWARD.

THE Connexion between England and the Continent, especially with the nations of the Low-Dutch stock, can be steadily traced from the time of Ælfred onwards. The systematic marriages of the daughters of Eadward the Elder with the chief foreign princes, and the great European position of Ethelstan, are both indeed exceptional. But we have seen (see vol. i. p. 65) that the reign of Eadgar also was a time of close intercourse with the kindred nations beyond sea. Florence (959) speaks of the intimate alliance between Eadgar and the Emperor Otto, and William of Malmesbury (ii. 148), clearly writing with the complaint in the Chronicles (959) before him, speaks of Saxons, Flemings, and Danes as the nations which Eadgar most encouraged, and whose presence helped to corrupt the English people with foreign vices. The marriage of Æthelred and Emma no doubt did something to turn the attention of Englishmen towards Gaul rather than towards Germany; still we have in Æthelred's time evidence enough of the commercial intercourse between London and the German havens (see vol. i. p. 280), and we have also seen (see vol. i. p. 631) an Englishwoman become the wife of a Count of Holland and the mother of an Archbishop of Trier. In Cnut's time of course everything tended to bring England into closer connexion with foreign countries, and the

THE LOTHARINGIAN CHURCHMEN UNDER EADWARD. 583

alliance begun between Cnut and Conrad was kept up between Eadward and Henry. We now find the first instances of the appointment of foreign Prelates in England. Cnut, who placed so many. Englishmen in the newly founded churches of Denmark, bestowed at least two great English preferments on Germans. Early in his reign, we find the Abbey of Ramsey held by a certain Wythmann, of whom the local historian (c. 75, Gale, p. 434) gives the following account; "Quum esset bonæ vitæ et prudentiæ laudabilis, genuinâ tum animi feritate, utpote Teutonicus natione, damnum aliquod suæ attulit laudi." His appointment is the more remarkable, as he succeeded Wulfsige who died at Assandun (vol. i. p. 390), so that he must have been promoted before Cnut's close connexion with Conrad began. The precedent however was not a very lucky one, as Wythmann (whose story in the Ramsey History is well worth reading) got into all kinds of trouble with his monks, and at last, after a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, died a solitary. Still, two years before Cnut's death, we find Duduc-whom Florence speaking of him incidentally (1060) calls "de Lotharingiâ oriundus,” but whom his successor Gisa (Ecclesiastical Documents, p. 15) calls "natione Saxo "-in possession of the Bishoprick of Somersetshire, and, as the story of Gisa shows (see Note QQ), in high personal favour with Cnut. Whatever we make of the appointment of Wythmann, we may fairly suspect that the nomination of Duduc to an English Bishoprick was a fruit of Cnut's friendship with Conrad, and we may compare, or rather contrast, the appointment of Savaric to the same see by the less kindly influence of a later Emperor. See Canon. Well. ap. Angl. Sacr. i. 563.

The fact of the frequency of Lotharingian appointments under Eadward, and the fact that they extend over his whole reign, while the Norman appointments are found only in his earlier years, are plain on the face of the history. The reader must judge for himself as to the view which I have taken of the political bearing of these appointments; but when we see that they went on during the years of Harold's greatest power, and that Harold himself promoted Adelhard of Lüttich in his own College of Waltham, it seems impossible to avoid some such conclusion. The first appointment of this kind was that of Hermann mentioned in the text, and the different forms in which his appointment is described have been already quoted in an earlier Note (see above, pp. 573, 577). That Hermann was a

Lotharingian there is no doubt, as Florence (1045) distinctly calls him "de Lotharingiâ oriundus." Soon after (see p. 83) we come to the -appointment of Leofric to the Bishoprick of Cornwall and Devonshire, which, though he was of English or British birth, points also to the same Lotharingian influence. Now both these appointments come during the time of the ascendency of Godwine; then we come to the time of Eadward's own Norman appointments, and we have no more Bishops from Lotharingia till the nomination of Gisa and Walter in the days of Harold's greatest power (see p. 446). Each of these last two Prelates is described by Florence (1060) as "Lotharingus" or "de Lotharingiâ oriundus," and of Gisa's birthplace we get a fuller account from himself. He was a native of the Bishoprick of Lüttich-"G. Hasbaniensis incola ex vico Sancti Trudonis" (Eccl. Doc. p. 16, where see Mr. Hunter's note). His writ and Walter's have been mentioned already (see above, p. 572). These writs should be borne in mind, because the local historian of Wells (Ang. Sac. i. 559), with the notions of the fifteenth century, makes Gisa receive his appointment as well as his consecration from the Pope; "Hic quum in quâdam ambassiatâ cum aliis a dicto Rege ad Apostolicam sedem missus fuisset pro quibusdam negotiis conscientiam dicti Regis moventibus, Apostolicus sibi contulit sedem Wellensem."

On Harold's own Lotharingian favourite Adelhard (see p. 442 and below, Note PP), see De Inv. c. 15, and Stubbs, Preface, p. ix. In c. 25 the writer calls him "institutor et ordinator præsentis ecclesiæ," and tells us of his son Peter, from whom "fons uberrimus disciplinis doctrinæ scaturiebat" when he himself was a boy in the college, and who still taught " secundum modum Teutonicorum” Adelhard's own birth and studies in his own country are thus described in c. 15. Harold appoints his Canons; "inter quos Theothonicum quemdam, divino munere et inexsperato sibi collatum, magistrum Atdelardum Leodicensem genere, Trajectensem studii disciplinâ, adhibuit, quatenus leges, instituta et consuetudines, tam in ecclesiasticis quam in sæcularibus, ecclesiarum in quibus educatus fuerat, in ecclesiâ Walthamensi constitueret, quum multorum relatione didicerat ordinatissimâ distinctione regi Theutonicorum ecclesias." The romantic Biographer of Harold (pp. 155–161) has a much more wonderful tale, in which several particulars of the real and legendary history of his hero are worked in with a lofty

THE LOTHARINGIAN CHURCHMEN UNDER EADWARD. 585

contempt for chronology. Harold, after his great Welsh campaign, is smitten with a grievous paralysis, which King Eadward's best physicians cannot heal. The Emperor, hearing of this, sends over his own physician, "Ailardus," a man at once skilful and devout. The Earl's disease however baffles his art. He then recommends a resort to the Holy Rood, which had been lately translated to Waltham, and was there working signs and wonders; "Eâ tempestate lapidea crucifixi Regis nostri imago, non multis ante cœlitus revelata et reperta temporibus et ad Waltham nutu perlata divino, miris in loco virtutum coruscabat signis" (p. 157). The holy relic works the wished-for miracle of healing; the King, the Lady, the whole nation, rejoice; Harold, in his thankfulness, rebuilds the church and founds his College, and places Adelhard at the head of its educational branch; "Scholas ibidem institui sub regimine magistri Ailardi, suæ, ut prælibatum est, salutis ministri, dispositione satagebat prudenti" (p. 161). Harold may have had another sickness besides that which, in legend at least, befel him when he was already King (see vol. iii. p. 358); but the foundation of Waltham certainly did not follow the war in which Wales was subacta, immo ad internecionem per Haroldum pene deleta." If there is any shadow of truth in the story, the writer must have confounded the Welsh campaign of 1055 with the decisive war of 1063.

It is possible also that we may find another Prelate, if not strictly from Lotharingia, yet from the border land between Gaul and Germany, in Baldwin, Abbot of Saint Eadmund's Bury (see p. 446). The name, though not unknown in Normandy, is much more characteristically Flemish, and Baldwin was appointed during the time of Harold's greatest ascendency. In the Monasticon (iii. 100) the date of the death of his predecessor Leofstan is placed, though without a reference, on August 1, 1065. The appointment certainly took place between 1062 and 1066. We have his writ of

appointment, which I have already quoted in p. 572. This is addressed to Bishop Ethelmar and Earl Gyrth, and therefore belongs to some year later than 1058. There are also two other writs in his favour (Cod. Dipl. iv. 222, 223), the second of which

grants him the privilege of a mint. But the Waltham charter (see below, Note PP) is signed by "Baldewinus Regis Capellanus."

If, as is most likely, this is the same person as the Abbot, he could not have been raised to his Abbacy till 1062 or later. We should certainly expect a Prelate who was appointed at this time, possibly, if the date of Leofstan's death is to be trusted, in the very Gemót in which Harold was chosen King, to be, if not English, at least Lotharingian. On the other hand, Baldwin had been a monk of Saint Denis, a certain presumption, though not amounting to proof, of his French origin. If so, it was seemingly to his skill in medicine that he owed his advancement. Before his promotion to the Abbacy, he had been Prior of Earl Odda's church at Deerhurst (see pp. 159, 407, and vol. i. p. 351). In a charter of William of 1069 (Monasticon, iv. 665), by which the cell of Deerhurst is granted to the Abbey of Saint Denis, he is described as "fidelis noster Baldwinus, ejusdem sancti [Dionysii] monachus . . priusquam abbatiam Sancti Edmundi, cui nunc præest, ab eodem [Edwardo] susciperet." The document implies that he had been Prior. William of Malmesbury also (Gest. Pont. Scriptt. p. Bed. 136 b), describing a miraculous sickness of Abbot Leofstan, adds that Baldwin was applied to to cure him. Leofstan asks King Eadward to send him a physician; "Ille Baldwinum, Sancti Dionysii monachum, ejus artis peritum dirigendum curavit.” Baldwin's medical skill appears also in two letters of Lanfranc (20, 21 Giles), in the former of which one Robert "Pultrellus" is entrusted to his care, while in the latter he appears as the physician of the Archbishop himself. Orderic (678 B) calls him "Archidiaconus et Abbas Sancti Edmundi Regis et Martyris." It is just possible that some confusion between Baldwin and Adelhard may have led to the story about Harold and Adelhard in the "Vita Haroldi.”

Baldwin had a brother named Frodo who was enriched by grants from William and from his brother. See Domesday, ii. 92, 103 b (where his English "antecessor" is mentioned), 354 b, and Monasticon, iii. 138, where for "fratris" one is tempted to read “fratri."

A Baldwin, godson of King Eadward, appears in Domesday for Oxfordshire, 154 b; "Has dedit Rex E. Sancto Petro de Westmonasterio et Balduino suo filiolo?" Sir Henry Ellis (i. 304) remarks, "The land in all probability was given by King Edward for the education and support of Baldwin as a novitiate, or for his maintenance during his profession as a monk." Baldwin may have been a monk at Westminster before he went

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