GODWINE DEMANDS THE SURRENDER OF EUSTACE.

141

eru Earls

full forces.

do that justice which the King had refused. The demand CHAP. VII. was seemingly backed by threats of an appeal to that last argument by which unrighteous rulers must be brought to reason. Godwine and his followers threatened war against Eadward, as the later Barons of England threatened war against John. The King was frightened and perplexed. He sent to hasten the coming of Siward, Leofric, and The NorthRalph, and bade them bring a force strong enough to keep bring their Godwine and his party in check. It would seem that they had at first brought or sent only a small body of men; when they heard the full state of the case, they hastened to the King with the whole force of their Earldoms, and restored confidence to his timid mind.2 This was the sort of occasion which was sure to awaken those provincial jealousies which in that age were often lulled to sleep, but which were never completely got rid of. The northern and southern parts of England were again arrayed against each other, just as they had been in the great Gemót of Oxford sixteen years before.3 The French followers of Ralph and the French friends of Eadward were doubtless glad of any excuse to shed the blood or to seize the lands of Englishmen. Siward and his Danes were seemingly not displeased with a state of things in which jealousy of the West-Saxon Earl could be so honourably cloked under the guise of loyalty to the West-Saxon King. They were therefore quite ready to play into the hands of the strangers. They were still on their march, but seemingly close to the The King finally retown, when Eadward gave his final answer to the messen- fuses to

1 Rog. Wend. iii. 294. "Juraverunt super majus altare, quod, si Rex leges et libertates jam dictas concedere diffugeret, ipsi ei guerram tamdiu moverent et ab ejus fidelitate se subtraherent."

2 Flor. Wig. 1051. "Ob id autem ad tempus Rex perterritus, et in angore magno constitutus, quid ageret ignorabat penitus. Sed ubi exercitum Comitum Leofrici, Siwardi, et Radulfi adventare comperit, se nullatenus Eustatium aliosque requisitos traditurum constanter respondit."

3 See vol. i. p. 477 et seqq.

the French

men.

humbrians

battle.

CHAP. VII. gers of Godwine; Eustace and the other accused persons surrender should not be given up. The messengers had hardly left Gloucester, when the Northern host entered the city, eager The North- to be led to battle against the men of Wessex and Eastready for Anglia.1 Godwine and his followers saw by this time that there was little hope of bringing the King to reason by peaceful means. Every offer tending to reconciliation had been spurned; every demand of the Earls and their people had been refused. The punishment of the innocent had been commanded; the punishment of the guilty had been withheld; the old charges, of which Godwine had been so solemnly acquitted eleven years before, were again raked up against him by the slanderous tongue of a foreign March of priest. Loath as the Earl and his followers were to fight Saxons and against their Lord the King,2 they saw no hope but in an appeal to arms, and the men of the three Earldoms made Angles on Gloucester. themselves ready for battle. From the heights of the Cotswolds on which they had been gathered, they marched down the hill-side which overlooks the fairest and most

1040.

the West

East

fertile of English valleys.3 The broad Severn wound through the plain beneath them; beyond its sandy flood rose, range beyond range, the hills which guarded the land of the still unconquered Briton. Far away, like a glimpse of another world, opened the deep vale of the

1 Chron. Wig. 1052. "Wurdan pa ealle swa anræde mid þam cynge, þæt hy woldon Godwines fyrde gesecan, gif se cyng pet wolde."

2 Chron. Petrib. 1048. "And wæs pam eorle Godwine and his sunan gecydd, pet se cyng and þa menn þe mid him wæron woldon rædon on hi. And hi trymedon gefæstlice ongean, þæh him lað wære þæt hi ongean heora cyne-hlaford standan sceoldon."

3 See the splendid panegyric of William of Malmesbury on this region in the Gesta Pontificum (Scriptt. p. Bedam, 161). He especially speaks of the abundance of the vineyards and the excellence of the wine, which was not sour, as seemingly other English wine was, but as good as that of France. No wine is now grown in the vale of Severn, but there is excellent cider and perry.

On the prospect here spoken of, see Sydney Smith's Sketches of Moral Philosophy, p. 218.

GODWINE'S MARCH TO GLOUCESTER.

143

Welsh Axe, the mountain land of Brecheiniog, where, in CHAP. VII. the furthest distance, the giant Beacons soar, vast and dim, the mightiest natural fortress of the southern Cymry. Even then some glimpses of days to come may have kindled the soul of Harold, as he looked forth on the land which was before many years to ring with his renown, and to see his name engraved as conqueror on the trophies of so many battle-fields. They passed by relics of unrecorded antiquity, by fortresses and tombs reared by the hands of men who had been forgotten before the days of Ceawlin, some perhaps even before the days of Cæsar. They passed by the vast hill-fort of Uleybury, where the Briton had bid defiance to the Roman invader. They passed by the huge mound, the Giants'-Chamber of the dead, covering the remains of men whose name and race had passed away, perhaps before even the Briton had fixed himself in the islands of the West.2 Straight in their path rose the towers, in that day no doubt tall and slender, of the great minster of the city which was their goal, where their King sat a willing captive in the hands of the enemies of his people. And still far beyond rose other hills, the heights of Herefordshire and Shropshire, the blue range of Malvern and the far distant Titterstone, bringing the host as it were into the actual presence of the evil deeds with which the stranger was defiling that lovely region. Godwine had kept his watch on the heights of Beverstone, as Thrasyboulos had kept his on the heights of Phylê,3 and he now came down, with the truest sons of England at his bidding, ready, as need might be, to strive for her

1 See above, p. 109.

2 For descriptions of these two remarkable monuments of primæval times, by Dr. Thurnam and Professor C. C. Babington, see the Archæological Journal, vol. xi. (1854), pp. 315, 328.

3 Childe Harold, ii. 84;

"Spirit of Freedom, when on Phyle's brow

Thou sat'st with Thrasybulus and his train," &c.

War hindered by

vention of

Leofric.

CHAP. VII. freedom either in the debates of the Witan or in the actual storm of battle. But there were now men in the King's the inter- train at Gloucester who were not prepared to shed the blood of their countrymen in the cause of strangers. Eadward had now counsellors at his side who had no mind to push personal or provincial jealousy to the extent of treason to their common country. Earl Leofric had obeyed the command of the King, and had brought the force of Mercia to the royal muster at Gloucester. Some jealousies of Godwine may well have rankled in his breast, but love of his country was a stronger feeling still. He was not ready to sacrifice the champion of England to men who had trampled on every rule of English law and of natural right, men who seemed to deem it a crime if Englishmen refused to lie still and be butchered on their He brings hearth-stones. The good old Earl of the Mercians now, as ever, stood forth as the representative of peace and compromise between extreme parties. The best men of England were arrayed in one host or the other. It were madness indeed for Englishmen to destroy one another, simply in order to hand over the defenceless land to its enemies. But, while two armed hosts stood ready for battle, there was no room for peaceful debate. Let both sides depart; let hostages be given on both sides, and let the Meeting of the Witan stand adjourned, to assemble again, after a few weeks, in another place. Meanwhile all enmities on either side should cease, and both sides should be held to be in full possession of the King's peace and friendship. The proposal of Leofric was accepted by

about a

compromise, and procures the adjournment

of the Gemót.

1 See vol. i. p. 482.

2 Chron. Wig. 1052. "pæt mycel unræd wære þæt hy togedere comon [see vol. i. p. 689], forpam þær was mæst þæt rotoste þat was on Ænglalande on þam twam gefylcum; and leton þæt hi urum feondum rymdon to lande, and betwyx us sylfum to mycclum forwyrde."

3 Chron. Petrib. 1048. "Da gerædden þa witan on æger halfe, þæt man da alces yfeles geswác, and geaf se cyng godes grið and his fulne freondscipe on ægöre healfe."

LEOFRIC BRINGS ABOUT A COMPROMISE.

145

both parties, and the Gemót was accordingly adjourned, CHAP. VII. to meet in London at Michaelmas.

London.

appears at

The objects of Leofric in this momentary compromise Gemót of were undoubtedly honourable and patriotic. But King September Eadward and his foreign advisers seem to have been de- 29, 1051. termined to employ the breathing-space thus given them as best they might for the damage of the national cause. The King made use of the time in collecting an army still Eadward more powerful than that which had surrounded him at pa Gloucester. He seems to have got together the whole of an army. force of Northumberland and Mercia, and to have summoned his own immediate following, the royal Housecarls, and perhaps the King's immediate Thegns, even within Godwine's own Earldom.1 The King's quarters were probably at his favourite palace of Westminster. Godwine came, accompanied by a large force of the men of his Earldom, to his own house in Southwark.2 Several The King's messages passed to and fro between him and the King. Godwine. But it soon became clear that, though the King's full peace and friendship had been assured to Godwine, there was no intention in the royal councils of showing him any favour, or even of treating him with common justice. The two parties had separated at Gloucester on equal terms. Each had been declared to be alike the King's friends; each alike had given hostages to the other; the matters at issue between them were to be fairly discussed in the adjourned Gemót. Instead of this agreement being carried out, Godwine and his sons found themselves dealt with as criminals. The first act of the Assembly, seem- The out ingly before Godwine and his sons had appeared at all, Swegen lawry of was to renew the outlawry of Swegen.3 No act could renewed.

1 See Appendix R.

2 Ib.

So I infer from the Peterborough Chronicle, 1048; "Ɖa cwæð man Swegen eorl útlah, and stefnode man Godwine eorle and Harolde eorle to pon gemote." The Worcester Chronicle puts it a little later, along with the demand for the hostages.

demands of