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IX.

recollect the complete armour of the Roman CHAP. soldiers, their discipline, exercises, evolutions, fortified camps, and military engines, it appears a just matter of surprise, how the naked and unassisted valour of the barbarians could dare to encounter in the field the strength of the legions, and the various troops of the auxiliaries, which seconded their operations. The contest was too unequal, till the introduction of luxury had enervated the vigour, and a spirit of disobedience and sedition had relaxed the discipline, of the Roman armies. The introduction of barbarian auxiliaries into those armies, was a measure attended with very obvious dangers, as it might gradually instruct the Germans in the arts of war and of policy. Although they were admitted in small numbers, and with the strictest precaution, the example of Civilis was proper to convince the Romans, that the danger was not imaginary, and that their precautions were not always sufficient. During the civil wars that followed the death of Nero, that artful and intrepid Batavian, whom his enemies condescended to compare with Hannibal and Sertorius, formed a great design of freedom and ambition. cohorts, renowned in the wars Italy, repaired to his standard. an army of Germans into

Eight Batavian
of Britain and
He introduced
Gaul, prevailed

e The relation of this enterprise occupies a great part of the fourth and fifth books of the History of Tacitus, and is more remarkable for its eloquence than perspicuity. Sir Henry Saville has observed sevêral inaccuracies.

f Tacit. Hist. iv, 13. Like them he had lost an eye.

IX.

CHAP. on the powerful cities of Treves and Langres to embrace his cause, defeated the legions, destroyed their fortified camps, and employed against the Romans the military knowledge which he had acquired in their service. When at length, after an obstinate struggle, he yielded to the power of the empire, Civilis secured himself and his country by an honourable treaty. The Batavians still continued to occupy the islands of the Rhine, the allies, not the servants, of the Roman monarchy.

Civil dis

sentions of

II. The strength of ancient Germany appears Germany formidable, when we consider the effects that might have been produced by its united effort. The wide extent of country might very possibly contain a million of warriors, as all who were of age to bear arms were of a temper to use them. But this fierce multitude, incapable of concerting or executing any plan of national greatness, was agitated by various and often hostile intentions. Germany was divided into more than forty independent states; and, even in each state, the union of the several tribes was extremely loose and precarious. The barbarians were easily provoked; they knew not how to forgive an injury, much less an insult; their resentments were bloody and implacable. The casual disputes that quently happened in their tumultuous parties of hunting or drinking, were sufficient to

It was contained between the two branches of the old Rhine, as they subsisted before the face of the country was changed by art and nature. See Cluver. German, Antiq. I. iii, c. 20, 37.

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IX.

1

inflame the minds of whole nations; the private CHAP. feud of any considerable chieftains diffused itself among their followers and allies. To chastise the insolent, or to plunder the defenceless, were alike causes of war. The most formidable states of Germany affected to encompass their territories with a wide frontier of solitude and devastation. The awful distance preserved by their neighbours, attested the terror of their arms, and in some measure defended them from the danger of unexpected incursions."

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"The Bructeri (it is Tacitus who now speaks) fomented were totally exterminated by the neighbouring licy of tribes, provoked by their insolence, allured Rome, "by the hopes of spoil, and perhaps inspired by "the tutelar deities of the empire. Above sixty "thousand barbarians were destroyed; not by "the Roman arms, but in our sight, and for

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our entertainment. May the nations, enemies "of Rome, ever preserve this enmity to each "other! We have now attained the utmost "verge of prosperity, and have nothing left "to demand of fortune, except the discord of "these barbarians." These sentiments, less

Cæsar de Bell. Gall. 1. vi, 23.

They are mentioned, however, in the fourth and fifth centuries, by Nazarius, Ammianus, Claudian, &c. as a tribe of Franks. Sce Cluver. Germ. Antiq. 1. iii, c. 13.

Urgentibus is the common reading, but good sense, Lipsius, and some мss. declare for Vergentibus.

Tacit. Germania, c. 33. The pious Abbé de la Bleterie is very angry with Tacitus, talks of the devil who was a murderer from the beginning, &c. &c.

CHAP. Worthy of the humanity than of the patriotism IX. of Tacitus, express the invariable maxims of

Transient

union

against Marcus

Antoni

BUS

the policy of his countrymen. They deemed it a much safer expedient to divide than to combat the barbarians, from whose defeat they could derive neither honour nor advantage. The money and negociations of Rome insinuated themselves into the heart of Germany; and every art of seduction was used with dignity, to conciliate those nations whom their proximity to the Rhine or Danube might render the most useful friends; as well as the most troublesome enemies. Chiefs of renown and power were flattered by the most trifling presents, which they received either as marks of distinction, or as the instruments of luxury, In civil dissensions, the weaker faction endeavoured to strengthen its interest by entering into secret connexions with the governors of the frontier provinces. Every quarrel among the Germans was fomented by the intrigues of Rome; and every plan of union and public good was defeated by the stronger bias of private jealousy and interest.TM

The general conspiracy which terrified the Romans under the reign of Marcus Antoninus comprehended almost all the nations of Germany, and even Sarmatia, from the mouth of the Rhine

Many traces of this policy may be discovered in Tacitus and Dion; and many more may be inferred from the principles of human nature.

IX.

to that of the Danube." It is impossible for CHAP. us to determine whether this hasty confederation was formed by necessity, by reason, or by passion; but we may rest assured, that the barbarians were neither allured by the indolence, or provoked by the ambition, of the Roman monarch. This dangerous invasion required all the firmness and vigilance of Marcus. He fixed generals of ability in the several stations of attack, and assumed in person the conduct of the most important province on the Upper Danube. After a long and doubtful conflict, the spirit of the barbarians was subdued. The Quadi and the Marcomanni," who had taken the lead in the war, were the most severely punished in its catastrophe. They were commanded to retire five miles from their own banks of the Danube, and to deliver up the flower of the youth, who were immediately sent into Britain, a remote island, where they might be secure as hostages, and useful as soldiers. On the frequent rebellions of the Quadi and Marcomanni, the irritated emperor resolved to reduce their country

Hist. August. p. 31. Ammian. Marcellin, 1. xxxi, c. 5. Aurel Victor. The emperor Marcus was reduced to sell the rich furniture of the palace, and to enlist зslaves and robbers.

• The Marcomanni, a colony, who, from the banks of the Rhine, occupied Bohemia and Moravia, had once erected a great and formi. dable monarchy under their king Maroboduus. See Strabo, 1. vii. -Vell. Pat. ii, 105. Tacit. Annal. ii, 63.

P Mr. Wotton (History of Rome, p. 166) increases the prohibition to ten times the distance. His reasoning is specious, but not conclusive. Five miles were sufficient for a fortified barrier.

↑ Dion, 1. lxxi and Ixxii.

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