ACHASHDARPENIM (DEN; Sept. σατράπαι and στρατηγοί; Vulg. satrapa; A. V. 'rulers of provinces.' It occurs in Esth. iii. 12; viii. 9; ix. 3; and with the Chaldee termination

6

doors of the gate, and letting his spittle fall down upon his beard,' rebuked his people sharply for bringing him to his presence, asking, Have I need of madmen, that ye have brought this fellow to play the madman in my presence? Shall this fellow come into my house?" After this David lost no time in quitting the territories of Gath. Winer illustrates David's conduct by reference to the similar proceeding of some other great men, who feigned themselves mad in difficult circumstances as Ulysses (Cic. Off. iii. 26; Hygin. f. 95, Schol. ad Lycophr. 818), the astronomer Meton (Ælian, Hist. xiii. 12), L. Junius Brutus Liv. i. 56; Dion. Hal. iv. 68), and the Arabian king Bacha (Schultens, Anth. Vet. Hamasa, p. 535). About four years after, when the character and position of David became better known, and when he was at the head of not less than 600 resolute adherents, he again repaired with his troop to King Achish, who received him in a truly royal spirit, and treated him with a generous confidence, of which David took rather more advantage than was creditable to him [DAVID].

;

an, in Dan. iii. 2, 3, 27; vi. 2, 3). The word is undoubtedly merely another form of writing the Persian word satrap, the origin of which has been much disputed, and does not claim to be here considered. These satraps are known in ancient history as the governors or viceroys of the provinces into which the Persian empire was divided. Strictly speaking, they had an extended civil jurisdiction over several smaller provinces, each of which had its own or governor. Thus Zerubbabel and Nehemiah were governors' of ACHMETHA (П, Ezra vi. 2; 'EkJudea, under the Persian satraps of Syria (Ezra, Bárava, 2 Macc. ix. 3; Judith xi. 1; Tob. v. 9; iv. 3, 6; Neh. ii. 9). The power and functions of the Persian satraps were not materially dif- Joseph. Antiq. x. 11,7; xi. 4, 6; also, in Greek ferent from those of the modern Persian governors Media. The derivation of the name is doubtful authors, Εγβάτανα and 'Αγβάτανα), a city in and Turkish pashas; and, indeed, the idea of but Major Rawlinson (Geogr. Journal, x. 134) has provincial government by means of viceroys, entrusted with almost regal powers in their several sively to cities having a fortress for the protection left little question that the title was applied exclujurisdictions, and responsible only to the king, by of the royal treasures. In Ezra we learn that in whom they are appointed, has always been pre- the reign of Darius Hystaspes the Jews petitioned valent in the East. The important peculiarity that search might be made in the king's treasureand distinction in the ancient Persian govern-house at Babylon, for the decree which Cyrus had ment, as admirably shown by Heeren (Researches, made in favour of the Jews (Ezra v. 17). Search i. 489, sq.), was that the civil and military powers was accordingly made in the record-office (house were carefully separated: the satrap being a very of the rolls), where the treasures were kept at Bapowerful civil and political chief, but having no immediate control over the troops and garrisons, there, as it was eventually discovered at Achbylon (vi. 1): but it appears not to have been found the commanders of which were responsible only to metha, in the palace of the province of the Medes' the king. The satraps, in their several provinces, (vi. 2). It is here worthy of remark, that the employed themselves in the maintenance of order LXX. regarded Achmetha,' in which they could and the regulation of affairs; and they also col- hardly avoid recognising the familiar title of lected and remitted to the court the stipulated Ecbatana, as the generic name for a city, and, actribute, clear of all charges for local government cordingly, rendered it by Tóλs; and that Joand for the maintenance of the troops (Xenoph. sephus, as well as all the Christian Greeks, while Cyrop. viii. 6, § 1-3). In later times this prudent retaining the proper name of Ecbatana, yet agree, separation of powers became neglected, in favour with the Greek Scriptures, in employing the word of royal princes and other great persons (Xenoph. Bápis to express the Hebrew, Birtha Anas. i. 1, § 2), who were entrusted with the mi-(the palace), which is used as the distinctive litary as well as civil power in their governments; to which cause may be attributed the revolt of the younger Cyrus, and the other rebellions and civil wars, which, by weakening the empire, facilitated its ultimate subjugation by

Alexander.

ACHBAR. [Mouse.]

ACHISH (ON, signification uncertain; Sept. 'Ayxous, also 'Apxís, 'Axis, called Abimelech in the title of Ps. xxxiv.), the Philistine king of Gath, with whom David twice sought refuge when he fled from Saul (1 Sam. xxi. 10-15; xxvii. 1-3). The first time David was in imminent danger; for he was recognised and spoken of by the officers of the court as one whose glory had been won at the cost of the Philistines. This talk filled David with such alarm that he feigned himself mad when introduced to the notice of Achish, who, seeing him scrabbling upon the

epithet of the city.

In Judith i. 2-4, there is a brief account of Ecbatana, in which we are told that it was built his capital. It was built of hewn stones, and by Arphaxad, king of the Medes, who made it surrounded by a high and thick wall, furnished with wide gates and strong and lofty towers. Herodotus ascribes its foundation to Dejoces, in obedience to whose commands the Medes erected

that great and strong city, now known under the name of Agbatana, where the walls are built circle within circle, and are so constructed that each inner circle overtops its outer neighbour by the height of the battlements alone. This was effected partly by the nature of the ground, a conical hill, and partly by the building itself. The number of the circles was seven, and within the innermost was the palace of the treasury. The battlements of the first circle were white, of

the second black, of the third scarlet, of the fourth | tively recent ruins, and a wall fallen to decay, blue, of the fifth orange; all these were brilliantly attest that Hamadan has declined from even its coloured with different pigments; but the battle- modern importance. The population is said by ments of the sixth circle were overlaid with silver, Southgate to be about 30,000, which, from what aud of the seventh with gold. Such were the pa- the present writer has seen of the place, he should lace and the surrounding fortification that Dejoces judge to exceed the truth very considerably. It constructed for himself: but he ordered the mass of is little distinguished, inside, from other Persian the Median nation to construct their houses in a towns of the same rank, save by its excellent and circle around the outer wall (Herodot. i. 98). It is well-supplied bazaars, and the unusually large contended by Major Rawlinson (Geogr. Journal, number of khans of rather a superior description. x. 127) that this story of the seven walls is a fable This is the result of the extensive transit trade of of Sabæan origin, the seven colours mentioned which it is the seat, it being the great centre being precisely those employed by the Orientals to where the routes of traffic between Persia, Mesodenote the seven great heavenly bodies, or the seven potamia, and Persia converge and meet. Its own climates in which they revolve. He adds (p. 128), manufactures are chiefly in leather. Many Jews I cannot believe that at Agbatana the walls reside here, claiming to be descended from those of were really painted of these colours: indeed, the Captivity who remained in Media. Benjamin battlements with gold and silver are manifestly of Tudela says that in his time the number was fabulous; nor do I think that there ever could 50,000. Modern travellers assign them 500 have been even seven concentric circles: but in houses; but the Rabbi David de Beth Hillel that early age, where it is doubtful whether mith- (Travels, pp. 85-87, Madras, 1832), who was not raicism, or fire-worship, had originated in this likely to understate the fact, and had the best part of Asia, it is not at all improbable that, ac- means of information, gives them but 200 families. cording to the Sabæan superstitions, the city He says they are mostly in good circumstances, should have been dedicated to the seven heavenly having fine houses and gardens, and are chiefly bodies, and perhaps a particular part assigned to traders and goldsmiths. They speak the broken the protection of each, with some coloured device Turkish of the country, and have two synagogues. emblematic of the tutelar divinity.' They derive the name of the town from 'Haman' and Mede,' and say that it was given to that foe of Mordecai by King Ahasuerus. In the midst of the city is a tomb which is in their charge, and which is said to be that of Mordecai and Esther. It is a plain structure of brick, consisting of a small cylindrical tower and a dome (the whole about 20 feet high), with small projections or wings on three sides. Within are two apartments—a small porch formed by one of the wings, and beyond it the tomb-chamber, which is a plain room paved with glazed tiles. In the midst, over the spots where the dead are supposed to lie, are two large wooden frames or chests, shaped like sarcophagi, with inscriptions in Hebrew and flowers carved upon them. There is another inscription on the wall, in bas-relief, which, as translated by Sir Gore Ouseley, describes the present tomb as having been built over the graves of Mordecai and Esther by two devout Jews of Kashan, in A.M. 4474. The original structure is said to have been destroyed when Hamadan was sacked by Timour. As Ecbatana was then the summer residence of the Persian court, it is probable enough that Mordecai and Esther died and were buried there; and traditional testimony, taken in connection with this fact, and with such a monument in a place where Jews have been permanently resident, is better evidence than is usually obtained for the allocation of ancient sepulchres. The tomb is in charge of the Jews, and is one of their places of pilgrimage. Kinneir, Ker Porter, Morier, Frazer, and Southgate furnish the best accounts of modern Ha

This Ecbatana has been usually identified with the present Hamadan. Major Rawlinson, however, while admitting that Hamadan occupies the site of the Median Ecbatana, has a learned and most elaborate paper in the Geographical Journal (x. 65-158; On the Site of the Atropatenian Ecbatana), in which he endeavours to show that the present Takht-i-Suleiman was the site of another, the Atropatenian Ecbatana; and that to it, rather than to the proper Median Ecbatana, the statement in Herodotus and most of the other ancient accounts are to be understood to refer. Our only business is with the Achmetha of Ezra; and that does not require us to enter into this question. The major, indeed, seems inclined to consider the Ecbatana of the apocryphal books as his Atropatenian Ecbatana; but is rather more doubtful in claiming it as the Achmetha of Ezra. But without undertaking to determine what amount of ancient history should be referred to the one or to the other, we feel bound to conclude that Hamadan was the site of the Achmetha of Ezra, and the Ecbatana of the Apocrypha : 1. Because it is admitted that the Median Ecbatana was a more ancient and more anciently great city than the Atropatenian metropolis. 2. Because the name 'Achmetha' may easily, through the Syrian Ahmethan, and the Armenian Ahmetan, be traced in the Persian Hamadan. 3. And because all the traditions of the Jews refer to Hamadan as the site of the Achmetha and Ecbatana of their Scriptures.

Hamadan is still an important town, and the seat of one of the governments into which the Per-madan. sian kingdom is divided. It is situated in north lat. 34° 53', east long. 40°, at the extremity of a rich and fertile plain, on a gradual ascent, at the base of the Elwund Mountains, whose higher summits are covered with perpetual snow. Some remnants of ruined walls of great thickness, and also of towers of sun-dried bricks, present the only positive evidence of a more ancient city than the present on the same spot. Heaps of compara

History mentions another Ecbatana, in Palestine, at the foot of Mount Carmel, towards Ptole mais, where Cambyses died (Herod. iii. 64; Plin. v. 19). It is not mentioned by this or any similar name in the Hebrew writings: and we are at a loss to discover the grounds which Major Rawlinson says exist for concluding that there was a treasury in this position (Geogr. Journ. x. 134).

ACHOR (; Sept. 'Axép), a valley between Jericho and Ai, which received this name (signifying trouble) from the trouble brought upon the Israelites by the sin of Achan (Josh. vii. 24) [ACHAN].

ACHSAH (, an anklet; Sept. 'Axod), the daughter of Caleb, whose hand her father offered in marriage to him who should lead the attack on the city of Debir, and take it. The prize was won by his nephew Othniel; and as

the bride was conducted with the usual ceremony to her future home, she alighted from her ass, and sued her father for an addition of springs of water to her dower in lands. It is probable that custom rendered it unusual, or at least ungracious, for a request tendered under such circumstances by a daughter to be refused; and Caleb, in accordance with her wish, bestowed upon her the upper and the nether springs' (Josh. XV. 16-19; Judg. i. 9-15).

same

ACHSHAPH (N; Sept. 'Acid, 'Axoáp, and 'Axío), a royal city of the Canaanites (Josh. xi. 1), has been supposed by many to be the as ACHZIB, both being in the tribe of Asher. But a careful consideration of Josh. xix. 25 and 29, will make it probable that the places were different. There is more reason in the conjecture (Hamelsveld, iii. 237) that Achshaph was another name for Accho or Acre, seeing that Accho otherwise does not occur in the list of towns in the lot of Asher, although it is certain, from Judg. i. 31, that Accho was in the portion of that tribe.

ACHU (N). This word occurs in Job viii. 11, where it is said, 'Can the rush grow up without mire? can the FLAG grow without water?' Here flag stands for achu; which would seem to indicate some specific plant, as gome, or rush, in the first clause of the sentence, may denote the papyrus. Achu occurs also twice in Gen. xli. 2, is, And, behold, there came up out of the river seven well-favoured kine and fat-fleshed, and they fed in a meadow:' here it is rendered meadow, and must, therefore, have been considered by our translators as a general, and not a specific term. In this difficulty it is desirable to ascertain the interpretation put upon the word by the earlier translators. Dr. Harris has already remarked that 'the word is retained in the Septuagint, in Gen. TEXE; and is used by the son of Sirach, Eccles. xi. 16, &xi or axe, for the copies vary. Jerome, in his Hebrew questions or traditions on Genesis, writes Achi neque Græcus sermo est, nec Latinus, sed et Hebræus ipse corruptus est.' The Hebrew vau and iod being like one another, differing only in length, the LXX., he observes, wrote, achi, for 1, achu, and according to their usual custom put the Greek x for the double aspiraten (Nat. Hist. of the Bible, in Flag').

in texture, and some possessed of acrid and even poisonous properties. None, therefore, of the Alga can be intended, nor any species of Butomus. The different kinds of Juncus, or rush, though abounding in such situations, are not suited for pasturmajority of the Cyperaceae, or sedge tribe; and age, and in fact are avoided by cattle. So are the also the numerous species of Carex, which grow in moist situations, yet yield a very coarse grass, which is scarcely if ever touched by cattle. A few species of Cyperus serve as pasturage, and the roots of some of them are esculent and aromatic; but these must be dug up before cattle can feed on them. Some species of scirpus, or club-rush, however, serve as food for cattle: S. cespitosus, for instance, is the principal food of cattle and sheep in the highlands of Scotland, from the beginning of March till the end of May. Varieties of S. maritimus, found in different countries, and a few of the numerous kinds of Cyperaceae common in Indian pastures, as Cyperus dubius and hexastachyus, are also eaten by cattle. Therefore, if any specific plant is intended, as seems implied in what goes before, it is perhaps one of the edible species of scirpus or cyperus, perhaps C. esculentus, which, however, has distinct Arabic names: or for instance, which form excellent pasture in it may be a true grass; some species of panicum, warm countries, and several of which grow luxuriantly in the neighbourhood of water.

But it is well known to all acquainted with warm countries subject to excessive drought, that the only pasturage to which cattle can resort is a green strip of different grasses, with some sedges, which runs along the banks of rivers or of pieces of water, varying more or less in breadth according to the height of the bank, that is, the distance of water from the surface. Cattle emerging from rivers, which they may often be seen doing in hot countries, as has been well remarked by the editor of the 'Pictorial Bible' on Gen. xli. 2, would From the context of the few passages in which naturally go to such green herbage as intimated achu occurs, it is evident that it indicates a in this passage of Genesis, and which, as indicated plant or plants which grew in or in the neigh-in Job xviii. 2, could not grow without water in bourhood of water, and also that it or they were suitable as pasturage for cattle. Now it is generally well known that most of the plants which grow in water, as well as many of those which grow in its vicinity, are not well suited as food for cattle; some being very watery, others very coarse

a warm dry country and climate. As no similar name is known to be applied to any plant or plants in Hebrew, endeavours have been made to find a similar one so applied in the cognate languages; and, as quoted by Dr. Harris, the learned Chapellon says, we have no radix for

E

N,

a prisoner to abide his trial, on his own appeal, at the bar of the emperor himself, the book abruptly closes, leaving us to gather further information concerning him and the fortunes of the church from other sources.

pears from the narrative until Paul's return to Philippi, more than two years afterwards, when it is stated that they left that place in company (xx. 6); from which it may be justly inferred that Luke spent the interval in that town. From this time to the close of the period embraced by his narrative he appears as the companion of the apostle. For the materials, therefore, of all he has recorded from ch. xvi. 11, to xxviii. 31, he may be regarded as having drawn upon his own recollection or on that of the apostle. To the latter source, also, may be confidently traced all he has recorded concerning the earlier events of the apostle's career; and as respects the circumstances recorded in the first twelve chapters of the Acts, and which relate chiefly to the church at Jerusalem and the labours of the apostle Peter, we may readily suppose that they were so much matter of general notoriety among the Christians with whom Luke associated, that he needed no assistance from any other merely human source in recording them. Some of the German critics have laboured hard to show that he must have had recourse to written documents, in order to compose those parts of his history which record what did not pass under his own observation, and they have gone the length of supposing the existence of a work in the language of Palestine, under the

Respecting the authorship of this book there can be no ground for doubt or hesitation. It is, unquestionably, the production of the same writer by whom the third of the four Gospels was composed, as is evident from the introductory senfences of both (comp. Luke i. 1-4, with Acts i. 1). That this writer was Luke has not in either case been called in question. With regard to the book now under notice tradition is firm and constant in ascribing it to Luke (Irenæus, Adv. Hær. lib. i. c. 31; iii. 14; Clemens Alexandr. Strom. v. p. 588; Tertullian, Adv. Marcion. v. 2; De Jejun. c. 10; Origen, apud Euseb. Hist. Eccles. vi. 23, &c. Eusebius himself ranks this book among the buoλoyovμera, H. E. iii. 25). From the book itself, also, it appears that the author accompanied Paul to Rome when he went to that city as a prisoner (xxviii.). Now, we know from two epistles written by Paul at that time, that Luke was with him at Rome (Col. iv. 14; Phil. 24), which favours the supposition that he was the writer of the narrative of the apostle's journey to that city. The only parties in primitive times by whom this book was rejected were certain heretics, such as the Marcionites, the Severians, and the Mani- the Apocryphal book Пpágeis Пéтpov or Khpvyμa cheans, whose objections were entirely of a dog- Пérpov, mentioned by Clement of Alexandria matical, not of a historical nature; indeed, they and Origen, was an interpolated edition (Heincan hardly be said to have questioned the authen-richs, Prolegg. in Acta App. p. 21; Kuinoel, ticity of the book; they rather cast it aside be- Proleg. p. 14). All this, however, is mere uncause it did not favour their peculiar views. At grounded supposition. There is not the shadow the same time, whilst this book was acknowledged of evidence that any written documents were as genuine where it was known, it does not ap- extant from which Luke could have drawn his pear to have been at first so extensively circulated materials, and with regard to the alleged imposas the other historical books of the New Testa-sibility of his learning from traditionary report ment; for we find Chrysostom complaining that the minute particulars he has recorded (which is by many in his day it was not so much as what these critics chiefly insist on), it is to be known (Hom. i. in Act. sub init.). Perhaps, remembered that, in common with all the sacred however, there is some rhetorical exaggeration in writers, he enjoyed the superintending and inthis statement; or, it may be, as Kuinoel (Proleg.spiring influence of the Divine Spirit, whose office in Acta App. Comment. tom. iv. p. 5) suggests, it was to preserve him from all error and to guide that Chrysostom's complaint refers rather to a him into all truth. prevalent omission of the Acts from the number of books publicly read in the churches, which would, of course, lead to its being comparatively little known among the people attending those churches.

Many critics are inclined to regard the Gospel by Luke and the Acts of the Apostles as baring formed originally only one work, conEsting of two parts. For this opinion, however, there does not appear to be any satisfactory authority; and it is hardly accordant with Luke's own description of the relation of these two writings to each other; being called by him, the one the former and the other the latter treatise (λóyos), a term which would not be appropriate had he intended to designate by it the first and second parts of the same treatise. It would be difficult, also, on this hypothesis to account for the two, invariably and from the earliest times, appearing with distinct titles.

Of the greater part of the events recorded in the Acts the writer himself appears to have been witness. He is for the first time introduced into the narrative in ch. xvi. 11, where he speaks of accompanying Paul to Philippi. He then disap

of which אכרזתא or מעבדי דכיפא title of

A more important inquiry respects the design of the evangelist in writing this book. A prevalent popular opinion on this head is, that Luke, having in his Gospel given a history of the life of Christ, intended to follow that up by giving in the Acts a narrative of the establishment and early progress of his religion in the world. That this, however, could not have been his design is obvious from the very partial and limited view which his narrative gives of the state of things in

*This is admitted by Heinrichs: Quot enim et qualia fuerint illa monumenta, quo idiomate consignata, num Syriaco, Aramæo, an Græco, quo titulo vulgata, quotusque à Luca excerpta, &c. de his quidem non certissime, sed ex conjecturarum tantummodo umbris poterit disquiri' (Heinrichs, l. c. p. 21). Of documents whose names, nature, language, as well as the extent to which they were used by a writer who is said to have been indebted for his materials to them, can be gathered only out of the shadowy regions of conjecture,' one would think no mind that is accustomed to weigh evidence would think it worth while to take any notice.