or possession, but some derive it from a verb signifying to lament, and others from a verb of similar sound, signifying to envy. Both Eusebius and Chrysostom seem to support the last interpretation; but the best Hebrew authorities are on the side of that first named.

by very few of the numerous travellers in Palestine. CAIN. The derivation of this word is disThe present tenants of the ruins are snakes, scor-puted. Most writers trace it to P, an acquisition pions, lizards, wild boars, and jackals (George Robinson, Travels, ii. pp. 189, 191; see also D'Arvieux, Clarke, Buckingham, Joliffe, and Monro). 2. CESAREA PHILIPPI. Towards the springs of the Jordan, and near the foot of Isbel Shrik, or the Prince's Mount, a lofty branch of Lebanon, forming in that direction the boundary between Abounding as the Scriptures do with proofs of Palestine and Syria Proper, stands a city ori-human guilt, and filled yet more as are the secuginally called Banias, which has erroneously lar annals of the world with instances of crime, been considered by many to be the Laish cap-none impress the mind with a stronger feeling of tured by the Danites, and by them called Dan horror than that of Cain. It is easy to understand (Judg. xviii. 7-29). But it appears, from the how the passion of envy or jealousy wrought in testimony of both Eusebius and Jerome, that the heart of the offender; but some degree of mysthey were then separate and distinct cities, si- tery attends the immediate origin of his crime. Abel, tuated at the distance of four miles from each it appears, brought two offerings, the one an oblaother. This city, which was in later times much tion, the other a sacrifice. Cain brought but the enlarged and beautified by Philip the tetrarch, former-a mere acknowledgment, it is supposed, who called it Cæsarea in honour of Tiberius the of the sovereignty of God; neglecting to offer the emperor, adding the cognomen of Philippi to sacrifice which would have been a confession of distinguish it from Cæsarea of Palestine, lay about fallen nature, and, typically, an atonement for 120 miles north from Jerusalem, and a day and sin. It was not, therefore, the mere difference of a half's journey from Damascus (Matt. xvi. 13; feeling with which the two offerings were brought Mark viii. 27). Herod Agrippa also bestowed which constituted the virtue of the one, or the guilt upon it a considerable share of attention, still of the other brother. God's righteous indignation further extending and embellishing it. In com- against sin had been plainly revealed, and there pliment to the emperor Nero, its name was can be no doubt that the means of safety, of reconafterwards changed to Neronias; and Titus, ciliation and atonement, were as plainly made after the overthrow of Jerusalem, exhibited some known to Adam and his offspring. The refusal, public games here, in which the Jewish prisoners therefore, of the sacrifice was a virtual denial of were compelled to fight like gladiators, and num- God's right to condemn the sinner, and at the bers perished in the inhuman contests. Under same time a proud rejection of the proffered the Christians it was erected into a bishopric of means of grace. Phoenicia. During the Crusades,' says Dr. Robinson, it was the scene of various changes and conflicts. It first came into the possession of the Christians in 1129, along with the fortress on the adjacent mountain, being delivered over to them by its Israelite governor, after their unsuccessful attempt upon Damascus in behalf of that sect. It has now resumed its original name of Bâniâs, which is the Arabic pronunciation of the Paneas of the Greeks and Romans. The city and castle were given as a fief to the Knight Rayner Brus. In 1132, during the absence of Rayner, Bâniâs was taken, after a short assault, by the Sultan Ismail of Damascus. It was recaptured by the Franks, aided by the Damascenes themselves. In 1139, the temporal control was restored to Rayner Brus; and the city made a Latin bishopric, under the jurisdiction of the archbishop of Tyre (Researches in Palestine, vol. iii. p. 360). Bânias has now dwindled into a paltry and insignificant village, whose mean and destitute condition contrasts strikingly with the rich and luxuriant character of the surrounding country. It is said that many remains of ancient architecture are found in the neighbourhood, bearing testimony to the former grandeur of the place, although it is difficult to trace the site of the splen-abiding, till thus exiled, in some favoured spot did temple erected here in honour of Augustus. The ruins of the castle of Bâniâs, which appears to have been a work of the Saracens, crown the summit of the adjoining mountain, and display a wall 10 feet in thickness, by which the fortress was defended. The ruins of another fortified castle are visible on the south of the village, and a substantial bridge which conducts to it, inscribed with an Arabic legend, its date being of the age of the Crusades.-R. J.

The punishment which attended the crime was such as could only be inflicted by an Almighty avenger. It admitted of no escape, scarcely of any conceivable alleviation. Cursed from the earth himself, the earth was doomed to a double barrenness wherever the offender should set his foot. Not like his father, sentenced merely to gather his food from the unwilling ground, bearing herbs, though thorns sprung up along with them, for him it was not to yield its strength; it was to be as without life beneath him. Physical want and hardship, therefore, were among the first of the miseries heaped upon his head. Next came those of mind and conscience: "The voice of thy brother's blood crieth unto me from the ground,' was the announcement of his discovered guilt. He could now hear that same voice himself; nor did any retreat remain to him from the terrors of his own soul or those of Divine vengeance: From thy face shall I be hid,' was his agonizing cry, even when trembling at the voice of his judge; no hope, as he knew and thus confessed, continuing to exist for him who was utterly cut off from communion with God. By the statement that 'Cain went out from the presence of the Lord,' probability is given to the conjecture which represents him as

where the Almighty still, by visible signs, manifested himself to his fallen creatures. The expression of dread lest, as he wandered over the face of the earth, he might be recognised and slain, has an awful sound when falling from the mouth of a murderer. But he was to be protected against the wrath of his fellow-men; and of this God gave him assurance, not, says Shuckford, by setting a mark upon him, which is a false translation, but by appointing a sign or token which he

himself might understand as a proof that he should not perish by the hand of another, as Abel had perished by his.

What was the Divine purpose in affording him this protection it is difficult to determine. That it was not with the intention of prolonging his misery may be conjectured from the fact, that it was granted in answer to his own piteous cry for mercy. Some writers have spoken of the possibility of his becoming a true penitent, and of his having at length, after many long years of suffering, obtained the Divine forgiveness. It must be confessed that this affords the easiest solution of some difficulties in the circumstance alluded to; nor ought we, in any way, peremptorily to conclude that such repentance was impossible, when both our blessed Lord and St. Stephen, and a whole host of martyrs, did not refuse to pray for their murderers, assuredly intimating thereby that no irrevocable sentence had, as yet, been passed

upon them.

It may be worthy of observation, that especial mention is made of the fact, that Cain having travelled into the land of Nod there built a city; and further, that his descendants were chiefly

celebrated for their skill in the arts of social life.

In both accounts may probably be discovered the powerful struggles with which Cain strove to overcome the difficulties which attended his position as one to whom the tillage of the ground was virtually prohibited.-H. S.

authority of the New Testament for its retention, rise higher than that of the Old Testament, from which it is professedly copied, for its exclusion (Chronology, i. p. 291). Some of the grounds for this conclusion are-1. That the Hebrew and Samaritan, with all the ancient versions and targums, concur in the omission; 2. That the Septuagint is not consistent with itself; for in the repetition of genealogies in 1 Chron. i. 24, it omits Cainan and agrees with the Hebrew text; 3. That the second Cainan is silently rejected by Josephus, by Philo, by John of Antioch, and by Eusebius; and that, while Origen retained the name itself, he, in his copy of the Septuagint, marked it with an obelisk as an unauthorized reading.

CAIAPHAS (Kaïápas), called by Josephus (Antiq. xviii. §2) Joseph Caiaphas, was high-priest iii. 2). We learn from Josephus that he sucof the Jews in the reign of Tiberius Cæsar (Luke ceeded Simon the son of Camith (about A.D. 27 or 28), and held the office nine years, when he was deposed. His wife was the daughter of Annas, and who still possessed great influence and conor Ananus, who had formerly been high-priest, trol in sacerdotal matters, several of his family successively holding the high-priesthood. The Luke-Annas and Caiaphas being the highnames of Annas and Caiaphas are coupled by priests; and this has given occasion to no small amount of discussion. Some maintain that An

nas and Caiaphas then discharged the functions of the high-priesthood by turns; but this is not reconcilable with the statement of Josephus. Others think that Caiaphas is called high-priest, because he then actually exercised the functions of the office, and that Annas is so called because he had formerly filled the situation. But it does not thus appear, why of those who had before Caiaar should be named, and not Ishmael, Eliazer, phas held the high-priesthood, Annas in particu

or Simon, who had all served the office more recently than Annas. Hence, Kuinoël and others consider it as the more probable opinion, that Caiaphas was the high-priest, but that Annas was his vicar or deputy, called in the Hebrew,

CAINAN (P, possessor; Sept. Kaïvár). 1. Son of Enos, and father of Mahaleel (Gen. v. 9; 1 Chron. i. 2). 2. Son of Arphaxad, the son of Shem, and father of Salah. His name is wanting in the present copies of the Hebrew Scriptures; but is found in the Septuagint version of Gen. x. 21; xi. 12, and in Luke iii. 36. As the addition of his generation of 130 years in the series of names is of great chronological importance, and is one of the circumstances which render the Septuagint computation of time longer than the Hebrew, this matter has engaged much attention, and has led to great discussion among chronologers. Some have suggested that the Jews purposely excluded the second Cainan from their copies, with the sagan. Nor can that office be thought undesign of rendering the Septuagint and Luke susworthy of a man who had filled the pontifical pected; others, that Moses omitted Cainan, office, since the dignity of sagan was also great. being desirous of reckoning ten generations only Thus, for instance, on urgent occasions he from Adam to Noah, and from Noah to Abra- might even enter the Holy of Holies (Lightfoot, ham. Some suppose that Arphaxad was father Hor. Heb. ad Luc. iii. 2). Nor ought it to seem of Cainan and Salah, of Salah naturally, and of strange or unusual that the vicar of a highFor if, as Cainan legally; while others allege that Cainan priest should be called by that name. and Salah were the same person, under two it appears, those who had once held the office were names. It is believed by many, however, that ever after, by courtesy, called high-priests, with the name of this second Cainan was not originally greater justice might Annas, who was both a ponin the text of Luke, but is an addition of inad-tifical person and high-priest's vicar, be so called. vertent transcribers, who, remarking it in some copies of the Septuagint, added it (Kuinoël, ad Luc. iii. 36). Upon the whole, the balance of critical opinion is in favour of the rejection of this second Cainan. Even Hales, though, as an advocate of the longer chronology, predisposed to its retention, decides that we are fully warranted

to conclude that the second Cainan was not, ori

ginally, in the Hebrew text, and the Septuagint versions derived from it. And since water cannot rise to a level higher than that of the spring from which it issues, so neither can the

In fact, the very appellation of high-priest is given to a sagan by Josephus (Antiq. xvii. 6, 4). See the commentators on Luke iii. 2; particularly Hammond, Lightfoot, Kuinoël, and Bloomfield.

Caiaphas is the high-priest who rent his clothes, and declared Jesus to be worthy of death. When Judas had betrayed him, our Lord was first taken to Annas, who sent him to Caiaphas (John xviii. 13), who perhaps abode in another part of the same palace. What became of Caiaphas after his deposition in A.D. 38, is not known.

CAKES (BREAD).

CALAH (; Sept. Xaλdx), or rather CALACH, a city of Assyria, built by Ashur or Nimrod (the phrase in Gen. x. 11, 12, being ambiguous). It was at some distance from Nineveh, the City of Resen lying between them. Most writers concur in placing it on the Great Zab (the ancient Lycus) not far from its junction with the Tigris, and Resen is placed higher up on the same river, so as to be between it and Nineveh. There appears to be a trace of this name in Calachene, which Strabo describes as a province of Assyria, lying between the source of the Lycus and the Tigris. Many suppose that this Calah is the same as the Chalach (Auth. Vers. Halah) in 1 Kings xviii. 6; xvii. 11, whither Salmanassar transplanted a colony of Israelites; but there are good reasons assigned under another head (Halah) for disputing this conjecture.

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degradation of human reason was, more particularly in the first instance, no doubt the result of the debasing influences which operated on the minds of the Israelites during their sojourn in Egypt, where, amid the daily practice of the most degrading and revolting religious ceremonies, they were accustomed to see the image of a sacred calf, surrounded by other symbols, carried in solemn pomp at the head of marching armies; such as may be still seen depicted in the processions of Rameses the Great or Sesostris. The preceding figure is a representation of a calf-idol which the present writer copied from the original collection made by the artists of the French Institute of Cairo. It is recumbent, with human eyes, the skin flesh-coloured, and the whole afterparts covered with a white and sky-blue diapered drapery: the horns are not on the head, but above it, and contain within them the symbolical globe surmounted by two feathers. Upon the neck is CALEB (, dog; Sept. Xáλeß), son of a blue and yellow yoke, and the flagellum, of vaJephunneh, of the tribe of Judah. He was sent with rious colours, is suspended over the back: the Joshua and others to explore the land of Canaan, whole is fixed upon a broad stand for carrying, and in consequence of his joining with Joshua in as here shown. The rendering of the Auth. Vers., opposing the discouraging accounts brought back which alludes to the image being finished with by the other spies, they were both specially ex- a graving tool, is obviously correct, for all the empted from the decree of death which was pro- lines and toolings of the covering cloth, of the nounced on the generation to which they belonged eyes, and of the feathers, must have required that (Num. xiii. 6; xiv. 6, 24, 38). When the land manual operation (Exod. xxxii. 4). It is doubtof Canaan had been invaded and partly con- ful whether this idolatrous form is either Apis or quered, Caleb was privileged to choose Kirjath- Mnevis; it may perhaps represent the sun's first arba, or Hebron, and its neighbourhood, for his pos- entrance into Taurus, or more probably be a symbol session (Josh. xiv. 6-15). He accordingly went known to the Egyptians by an undeciphered deand wrested it from the native inhabitants, and signation, and certainly understood by the Edomthence proceeded to Debir, which was taken for ites of later ages, who called it bahumed and kharuf, him by his nephew Othniel, who, as his reward, or the calf, the mysterious anima mundi: accordreceived in marriage the hand of Caleb's daughtering to Von Hammer (Pref. to Ancient Alpha[ACHSAPH], with a valuable dower (Josh. xv. 13-19). Caleb is usually supposed to have out-ginning and return of everything. With the

lived Joshua.

CALF) is mentioned in several places, but, not requiring a zoological explanation, it

200. [Egyptian Calf-Idol.] may be sufficient to make a few remarks on the worship of calves and other superstitious practices connected with them. The most ancient and remarkable notice in the Scriptures on this head, is that of the golden calf which was cast by Aaron from the earrings of the people, while the Israelites were encamped at the foot of Sinai and Moses was absent on the Mount. The next notice refers to an event which occurred ages after, when Jeroboam, king of Israel, set up two idols in the form of a calf, the one in Dan and the other in Bethel. This almost incomprehensible

bets), the Nabathæan secret of secrets, or the be

emblems on the back, it may have symbolized the plural Elohim, long before the cabbalistical additions of this mysterious type had changed the figure. At the time of the departure of the Israelites from Egypt this may have been the Moloch of their neighbours, for that idol was figured with the head of a calf or steer. A similar divinity belonged to the earliest Indian, Greek, and even Scandinavian mythologies; and therefore it may be conceived that the symbol, enduring even to this day, was at that period generally understood by the multitude, and consequently that it was afterwards revived by Jeroboam without popular opposition. Egyptian paintings illustrate the contempt which the prophet Hosea (x. 5) casts upon the practice of those whom he designates as coming to sacrifice and kiss the calves;' and commentators have been at pains to explain in what manner Moses reduced the golden calf to such a state as to make it potable in water; but surely as the science of making gold-leaf for gilding was already prac tised in Egypt, there could be no difficulty, even if chemical processes had not then been discovered, in effecting the object. With regard to Jer. xxxiv. 18, 19, it may be sufficient to mention that many nations of antiquity had a practice of binding themselves to certain resolutions by the ceremony of cutting a calf or other victim into two halves or sides, laying them on the ground, and passing between the severed parts. This was considered as constituting a peculiarly binding obligation (comp. Gen. xv. 10, 17).—C. H. S.