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"and the knower of it, by the power of charms, teazes the hearts of a world. Whenever he will, he can pluck the soul out of his own body, and throw it into that of another; and besides this," as if this were not sufficient, "he can work such inconceivable wonders as would strike all creation dumb."

Gandhurub Bidya is the system of Hindoo music, "which reveals to the knower of it the nature of the six Rāgs, and 30 Raginees," the six primary and thirty subordinate modes in music, the latter being called Raginees, literally wives of the Rags or primary modes, "the account of the three octaves and seven notes. The rules of lines or rhymes and of the dhoorpud geet sungeet (three kinds of Hindoo music or songs) are derived from it. He can sing in whatever key or Rag, and play on whatever instrument he will; his playing is beyond language, and his hand is the measure of time and melody."

The Nutt Bidya is the juggler's book, "the result of the study of which is playing, sleight of hand (Chālāk Dustee, sleight handedness), "rope dancing, and so on. The practisers of this science can list a boy on a bamboo upon their breast; they can run on a rope; they string pearls with their lips; they baffle in an instant the sagacity of the most cunning," as indeed our people allow, "and in short their bold tricks (chālākeeān, sleights,) cannot come into the mind; much less could the tongue tell them, or the pen write them."

In addition to the juggler's feats, quoted from Martin's work in your number for February, the reader may find an account of three more, equally beyond the conception of the English spectators, in Chambers's Edinburgh Journal, No. 370, Mar. 2, 1839.

The Rusik Bidya is the science of individual character.

The Guj Shaster is a work on the nature, excellencies, defects, and diseases of the elephant: and

The Salooter Bidya is a like one on the horse.

I am unwilling to dismiss the sub

ject of the Hindoo sciences without observing that their astronomy, debased by astrology, like ours at the dawn of science; the alchemic or goldmaking pretensions of their chemistry, which is that of our old alchemists; their palmistry, that of our gipsies; and their black art, that of our old conjurors, call our attention to Asia as the probable cradle of science, or at least of those sciences, as well as of

man.

I do not know whether the Hindoos hold their books of science as incontrovertibly authoritative, and wholly complete, so that nothing ought to be sought, as nothing can be known beyond them; but if they do, we cannot wonder that they have advanced so little in science, since they received them. If Bacon had not dared to break loose from the strong hold of Aristotle's physics; if the horror vacui had been always to stand for atmospheric pressure; and Ptolemy's epicycles for the perturbations of the central forces in planetary motion, physics and astronomy might have advanced very slowly in modern Europe.

We shall hardly have a history of science and literature, till the treasures of the Sanscrit language are brought to light. A full account of the Hindoo system of music by a good Sanscrit scholar and theoretical musician would be a great acquisition to our musical literature.*

Yours, &c. W. BARNES,

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THOSE who have been accustomed to consider bell-ringing as the amusement of the common people only,— and as a source of annoyance to those who join in the wish that "these rascally ringers had round their necks what they hold in their hand," will be surprised to learn to what an extent it was carried by those in a higher grade of life at no very distant period of time; but this is fully shown by a MS. in the possession of Mr. Strong of Bristol. This splendid volume is a large folio, bound in rough calf, and

* Since writing this paragraph, I have learnt from the "Musical World" of July 11th, 1839, that a treatise on the music of Hindoostan, by Capt. N. A. Willard, commanding in the service of H. H. the Nuab of Banda, was printed in India in 1834, but I know not what may be the character of the work.

has its corners ornamented with beautiful gilt chasings of shells, &c. to suit a central chasing six inches in height, by four and a half in width. On each side the central ornaments are of the same size, but the subjects somewhat different, and inscribed, "College Youth, 1637."

The MS. commences with the names of the company of College Youths, "according to their time of entrance in the said society till this time: only such as have left and deserted the company are left out, and not mentioned in this catalogue." The first master mentioned is Lord Brereton, in 1637; the second, Sir Cliff Clifton; and the last, W. Hilder, in 1754.

At the other end of the volume is an account of the changes rung by the company, beginning with St. Bridget's alias St. Bride's. "The company rung on Tuesday, Jan. 19th, 1724, a complete peal of 5,060 grandsire cinques, being the first that has been

done."

Bells certainly were in use in the Saxon churches; for two are shown in a tower in the Benedictionale of St. Æthelwold; but when their num

SO

ber became augmented, so as to allow of changes being rung, is uncertain, but as at an early period they were used for domestic amusement, would they most likely be for public purposes; and that this was the case, is shown by a psalter of the 13th century, in which a lady is represented playing upon a row of five bells, with a small hammer in one hand and a stick, perhaps used as a damper, in the other.*

Although not much akin to the subject (but who regards stepping a little out of his path when it is Shakespeare who leads him away?) it may be allowable for me here to correct a mistake into which Nares has fallen in his Glossary, -" clamour your tongues" has nothing to do with the clamming of bells. The true meaning may be learnt from Barclay's "Shipp of Fools," in which is a copy of verses called, "The Clamour to the Fools," and is a notice for them to get on board. The meaning of the passage then, is, "Let us know that you have tongues, and then do not disturb us with another word."

Yours, &c. L.

CORRESPONDENCE OF WALTER MOYLE, Esq. No. V.
(Continued from Vol. X. p. 611.)

No. 10. Mr. Moyle to Mr. King.
On Titus's Triumphal Arch.

MR. COFFIN, who is lately come from Italy, among other rarities he brought over with him, shewed me a cut of the Triumphal Arch of Titus, where are plainly to be seen the table of shew bread, the candlestick, and the holy trumpet. I looked earnestly for the golden vine, but it is not there; which confirms me in the opinion that Titus did not carry it in triumph, as I formerly suspected, from the silence of Josephus.

No. 11. Mr. Moyle to Mr. King. (Inquiry concerning the meaning of a Fragment of Polybius cited by Josephus.)

***

You see, Sir, in obedience

to your commands, I have given you my thoughts without reserve on this passage of Florus. In return, 1 hope you will be so kind as to give me yours on a passage of far greater importance. It is a fragment of the 16th book of Polybius, cited by Josephus (Ant. xii. 3). You may find it in the fragments, published at the end of Polybius, (Edit. Gronov. Amst. 1670, p. 1491,)-[thus rendered by D'Andilly, p. 306. "Anon after, the Jews which dwelt at Jerusalem, where the Temple was, joined themselves with him; and, although we are to speak more amply and particularly of that apparition that happened near unto the Temple, yet we shall defer the recital thereof until another time."] D'Andilly's Josephus in Engl. p. 306.

* On ancient bell-ringing, see Brand's Popular Antiquities; and much on the subject of modern bell-ringing is collected in the three volumes of Hone's Every Day Book, and Table Book. See also the works of Dr. Parr. On the church-bells themselves, see Gent. Mag. c. i. 316; ii. 290.

I am very much deceived, or there is more in that essay than the transcribers have hitherto discovered. I desire you would give yourself the trouble of translating, and you will extremely oblige, Sir, &c. W. M.

No. 12. Mr. Moyle's Criticism on the word Επιφανεια in the above cited passage of Polybius.

Sir,-You very rightly observed that the whole difficulty and weight of this passage lies in the word Επιφανεια, which you have extremely well translated, and I am very proud to see your English translation so exactly agrees with my Latin one in the margin of Josephus. Επιφανεια certainly stands for θεοφανεια; and I can produce divers parallel places out of the best authors of antiquity to justify this translation; though this sense of the word has escaped both Scapula and Constantine, as well as Gelenius. It sometimes signifies the actual and usual presence of the God, as in Iamblichus and Plutarch (Marcell. p. 563.); sometimes, as in the present case, some supernatural operation, which supposed the Divine Presence, as in many places of Josephus, in Dionysius, (Lib. i. p. 26,) in Diodorus (Lib. i. p. 22.) Hence came the Latin expression in Virgil, nec tam præsentes alibi cognoscere divos."-(Ecl. i. 42,) in Horace " præsentia numina sentit," &c. (Ep. ii. 1 v. 134.) Thus the primitive Christians used the terms Επιφανεια and θεοφανεια indifferently for the first of the Epiphany.

"

But what does Polybius mean by it in this place? Was it the cloud of glory which filled the Sanctum Sanctorum, or the fire from Heaven which consumed the sacrifices, or the Oracles which the High Priest uttered by Urim and Thummim, or all these put together, that Polybius alludes to; which is most probable, in regard they all supposed the Divine Presence? Perhaps the reputation which this temple had of enjoying more immediately the Divine Presence made Caligula give orders to have his statue erected in it by the name of Jupiter Epiphanes. (Euseb. Chron. p. 202.) Josephus, after he has described the consecration of the Temple by Solo

mon, and related how the glory appeared, and how the sacrifices were consumed by fire from Heaven, adds these remarkable words, ταυτης δε της επιφανειας γινομενης, which illustrate this passage of Polybius extremely. I suppose the reason why he did not produce this passage in his answer to Appian, was, because in that discourse he did not vindicate the religion so much as the antiquity of the Jews. But why Huetius and Stillingfleet should omit it, I can't imagine. Sure I am, that it is the strongest testimony in favour of the Jewish religion that ever fell from the mouth of a heathen. (I confess I never read Huetius or Stillingfleet, but Mr. Bagwell assures me that neither of them has taken notice of it). In your translation of the former part of the fragment, since you are pleased to allow me that liberty, I must crave leave to dissent from you. I think it ought to be rendered thus:-"Not long after, the Jews who inhabited about the Temple called Jerusalem, submitted to him (προσεχωρησαν), concerning which, though I have more to say," &c. You are pleased to suppose ἱερον to be an adjective, and to agree with Ἱεροσολυμα. gular agree with the accusative plural? 'Iepov is, without doubt, a substantive, and must be the antecedent to the re

But how can the accusative sin

lative ou, which immediately follows; for 'Ἱεροσολυμα cannot be the antecedent, as then the relative must have been ὡν, not ov. As for what follows, your translation is right; but then you must read it, πλειον λέγειν έχοντες, not πλειον έχειν λέγοντες, ας the printed copies have it. I return you my hearty thanks for the trouble you have given yourself in explaining this difficult place; and, since my opinion of it is confirmed by so good an authority, I dare boldly affirm it to be the true meaning of the passage. I had forgot to mention that Ἱεροσολυua, in Heathen writers, is taken for the Temple as well as the City of Jerusalem; as I shall satisfy you when 1 have the pleasure of seeing you in Cornwall.

P.S. I was confirmed in my opinion concerning the word επιφαveia, by a place in Dionysius, which is exactly parallel to it. His words

are Επιφανεια γινομενη περι τον αντρα, which answer to Επιφανεια περι τον ἱερον. (It is in Lib. 4, and the words are spoken of Servius Publius.)

I likewise thought that where the word signified splendor, or gloria, it could never be followed by an accusative, with the preposition περι, but only by a genitive; but I find myself mistaken -for Plutarch has used the word in that sense, with an accusative following the same preposition, in the beginning of his Life of Camillus.

And,

what is more to the purpose, Polybius has done the same, Lib. 6, p. 679. So that I begin to doubt whether the passage in Josephus ought not to be rendered "Propter Templi famam et splendorem."* For it is most certain that Polybius, whose fragment it is, has never used the word επιφανεια for the divine presence, or any miraculous operation, in any part of his works which are extant; and he seems, through the whole course of his history, to deride all miracles.

However, I shall pronounce nothing, but leave it to your better judgment to determine. ***

No. 13. Mr. King's Answer. (Representing the passage in Polybius as a valuable testimony to the Jewish Religion, and adding some remarks on that of Longinus).

Sir,-You have sufficiently cleared up the passage of Polybius, and discovered a jewel in the remains of that excellent author that outshines all other quotations, out of Heathen writers, in the slendour of its testimony for the divinity of the Jewish religion. You ought to be honoured, next to the author, for restoring a lost fragment (as it were) of so great value; and that the rather, because so many learned men have made diligent in

quiries among the Gentiles for concurrent testimonies to the amanuenses of the revealed writings for the truth of what they wrote, and yet have never producedthis-as Huetiusand Stillingfleet (whom you mention), and the great Grotius, and all the apologists for revealed religion, as well ancient as modern.

I believe the επιφανεια of Polybius was the Cloud of Glory, because that kind of appearance was best understood by the Gentiles; most of their θεοφανειαι being described with the attendance, or involucrum, of a cloud, as in Homer and Virgil, and several others. You very justly reprehend the blunder of joining together ἰερον and Ιεροσολυμα ; though indeed it was not so much my mistake as a learned person's who altered my translation, which was this: "The Jews who in.. habited about the Holy City, called Jerusalem," &c. But I cannot excuse myself, since I suffered it.

If Ἱεροσολυμα, in Heathen writers, is taken for the Temple, as well as the City of Jerusalem, yours must be the true translation. I think the word προσεχώρησαν may rather signify

"

came over to," or "revolted," than "submitted;" because the Jews had submitted to one Prince before, but now revolted to another from that submission. You conjecture right, that my reading is πλειον λεγειν εχοντες.

There is a most remarkable passage in Longinus, lib. 7, in honour of the Hebrew Lawgiver, as that of Polybius was of the Temple; which, though not omitted among the quotations of some of the famous apologists for revealed religion, yet is but slightly touched upon, without ever observing the character there given of Moses to be far exceeding that of Homer, just before cited, who (says he) stretched his wit to make gods of his heroes,

* The passage in question in Schwaeghauser's Polybius, (tom. iii. p. 643,) receives the following Latin version: "Atque, paulo post, Judæi etiam se ei tradiderunt, qui circa Templum, quod Hierosolyma vocant, incolunt. De quo, cum multa dicenda habeamus, præsertim propter templi illius celebritatem, in aliud tempus narrationem eam differemus." (Polyb. Hist. Lib. xvi. c. 39.)

The Latin version of Josephus (Lips. 1783, vol. ii. p. 142,) on the other hand has it, "Atque paulo post Judæi sese ei tradiderunt, quotquot circa fanum Hierosolymæ nuncapatum incolebant. De quo cum multa dicenda habeamus, deque Præsentia Dei in fano, quæ narranda supersunt, in aliud tempus differemus." (Ant. Jud. Lib. xii. c. 3.)

and heroes and men of the gods Nay, he makes them even more wretched than men; for Death is a haven of rest from human miseries. But, as he represents the gods, they are indeed immortal; but rather in their misfortunes than in their nature. Of Moses, he says, the Lawgiver of the Jews was no ordinary man, seeing he describes the power of

MR. URBAN,

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July 30, 1839.

IN a recent volume of Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopædia, a new Life of MILTON has appeared, and the writer has performed his task, having seemingly been desirous of effecting a double object; first, to elucidate some particulars of Milton's biography; secondly, to vituperate Dr. Johnson. The latter part of his duty he has effected, with a felicity of objurgation and a flow of vehement epithet which indignation alone could suggest.

That Johnson, a determined supporter of the altar and the throne, should be little inclined to look with complacency upon the political character of Milton, who respected neither the one nor the other, cannot occasion surprize, though his decided antipathy may cause regret; and the regret is heightened, when we discover, that those who complain the most of Johnson's pertinacious prejudices, and heap upon his memory the utmost reprehension for such an offence, instead of taking warning from this flaw in his character, seem rather to consider it as an example, and fall into the very error which they lay to his charge.

In Johnson's Life of Milton, though he sometimes applies harsh language, he very frequently speaks in terms of the highest approbation and eulogy; the new biographer, once, perhaps twice, employs language towards Johnson not ungentle; but we will give a few comparative specimens.

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From Johnson's Life of Milton.

"The Life of Milton has been already written in so many forms and with such minute inquiry, that I might, perhaps, more properly have contented myself with the addition of a few notes on Mr. Fenton's elegant abridgment, but that a new narrative was thought necessary to the uniformity of this edition."

"In this book he discovers, not with ostentatious exultation, but with calm confidence, his high opinion of his own powers; and promises, &c."

"From a promise like this, at once fervid, pious, and rational, might be expected the Paradise Lost."

"He was eminently skilled in the Latin tongue; and he himself, by annexing the dates to his first compositions seems to commend the earliness of his own proficiency to the notice of posterity."

"At fifteen, a date which he uses till he is sixteen, he translated or versified two Psalms, 114 and 136...... they would in any numerous school have obtained praise, but not excited wonder." "Many have excelled Milton in their first essays, who never rose to works like Paradise Lost."

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