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honor to his brother; but that was also all of the office of a general that he resigned; all the rest useful and necessary he most exactly and laboriously performed in his own person, his body lying upon a couch, but his judgment and courage upright and firm to his last gasp, and in some sort beyond it. He might have worn out his enemy, indiscreetly advanced into his dominions, without striking a blow; and it was a very unhappy occurrence that, for want of a little life, or somebody to substitute in the conduct of this war, and in the affairs of a troubled state, he was compelled to seek a doubtful and bloody victory, having another, by a better and surer way, already in his hands; notwithstanding, he wonderfully managed the continuance of his sickness in consuming the enemy, and in drawing them a long way from the naval army and the maritime places they had on the coast of Africa, even till the last day of his life, which he designedly reserved for this great contest. He ordered his battle in a circular form, environing the Portuguese army on every side, which circle coming to close in the wings, and to draw up close together, did not only hinder them in the conflict (which was very sharp, through the valor of the young invading king), considering they were every way to make a front; but prevented their flight after the defeat, so that finding all passages possessed and shut up by the enemy, they were constrained to close up together again; coacervanturque non solum cæde, sed etiam fuga, and there they were slain in heaps upon one another, leaving to the conqueror a very bloody and entire victory. Dying, he caused himself to be carried and hurried from place to place where most need was; and passing through the files encouraged the captains and soldiers one after another; but, a corner of his battle being broken, he was not to be held from mounting on horseback sword in hand; he did his utmost to break from those about him and rush into the thickest of the battle, they all the while withholding him, some by the bridle, some by his robe, and others by his stirrups. This last effort totally overwhelmed the little life he had left; they again lay him upon his bed. Coming to himself again, and starting out of his swoon, all other faculties failing, to give his people notice that they were to conceal his death (the most necessary command he had then to give, that his soldiers might not be discouraged with the news), he expired with his finger upon his mouth, the ordinary sign of keeping silence.

The extreme degree of courageously treating death, and the most natural, is to look upon it not only without astonishment,

but without care, continuing the wonted course of life even into it, as Cato did, who entertained himself in study, and went to sleep, having a violent and bloody one in his head and heart, and the weapon in his hand.

MY MIND TO ME A KINGDOM IS.

BY SI EDWARD DYER.

[EDWARD DYER was born near Glastonbury, England, about 1550; educated at Balliol College, Oxford; was ambassador to Denmark in 1589; was knighted in 1596, and died in 1607.]

MY MIND to me a kingdom is;

Such present joys therein I find,

That it excels all other bliss

That earth affords or grows by kind:

Though much I want which most would have,

Yet still my mind forbids to crave.

No princely pomp, no wealthy store,
No force to win the victory,

No wily wit to salve a sore,

No shape to feed a loving eye;

To none of these I yield as thrall:

For why? My mind doth serve for all.

I see how plenty surfeits oft,

And hasty climbers soon do fall;

I see that those which are aloft

Mishap doth threaten most of all;
They get with toil, they keep with fear;
Such cares my mind could never bear.

Content to live, this is my stay;

I seek no more than may suffice;
I press to bear no haughty sway;

Look, what I lack my mind supplies:
Lo, thus I triumph like a king,
Content with that my mind doth bring.

Some have too much, yet still do crave;
I little have, and seek no more.

They are but poor, though much they have,
And I am rich with little store;

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They poor, I rich; they beg, I give;
They lack, I leave; they pine, I live.
I laugh not at another's loss;

I grudge not at another's pain;
No worldly waves my mind can toss;
My state at one doth still remain :
I fear no foe, I fawn no friend;
I loathe not life, nor dread my end.

Some weigh their pleasure by their lust,
Their wisdom by their rage of will;
Their treasure is their only trust;

A cloaked craft their store of skill:
But all the pleasure that I find
Is to maintain a quiet mind.

My wealth is health and perfect ease:
My conscience clear my chief defense;
I neither seek by bribes to please,

Nor by deceit to breed offense:
Thus do I live; thus will I die;
Would all did so as well as I!

APELLES' SONG.

BY JOHN LYLY.

(From "Alexander and Campaspe.")

CUPID and my Campaspe played
At cards for kisses - Cupid paid.

He stakes his quiver, bows, and arrows,
His mother's doves and team of sparrows:
Loses them too; then down he throws
The coral of his lip, the rose

Growing on 's cheek (but none knows how);
With these the crystal of his brow,

And then the dimple of his chin
All these did my Campaspe win.
At last he set her both his
eyes.
She won, and Cupid blind did rise.
O Love, has she done this to thee?
What shall, alas! become of me?

THE ARMADA: RESULTS OF ITS DEFEAT.

BY LEOPOLD VON RANKE.

(From the "History of England.")

[LEOPOLD VON RANKE, one of the foremost of modern historians, was born at Wieke, in Saxony, December 21, 1795; studied at the University of Leipzig; in 1817 became professor of history in the " Gymnasium" at Frankforton-the-Oder; in 1824 published a "Critique on Modern Historians" and "History of the Roman and Teutonic Nations between 1494 and 1535," which gained him a professorship in the University of Berlin. The archives in the royal library there gave him materials for his voluminous "History of the Princes and Peoples of Southern Europe in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries," the first volume published in 1827. Obtaining a long leave of absence, he spent four years in studying the archives at Vienna, Venice, Rome, and Florence; and in 1834-1837 published the "History of the Popes" (mainly of the late medieval period), and "History of the Servian Revolution." In 1839-1847 came the "History of Germany during the Reformation," his best work; in 1841 he became royal historiographer, and published "Nine Books [afterwards twelve] of Russian History"; in 1852-1861, "History of France, Principally in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries"; 1859-1874, "History of England, Principally in the Seventeenth Century "; 1868, "History of Germany between the Religious Peace and the Thirty Years' War"; 1869, "History of Wallenstein"; 1870, "The Origin and Beginning of the Revolutionary War"; 1872, "The German Powers and the League of Princes"; 1873, "Correspondence of Frederick William IV. with Baron Bunsen "; 1875, "Contributions to the History of Austria and Russia, between the Treaties of Aachen and Hubertsburg"; 1877, "Memoirs of Hardenberg"; and in 1880 the first volume of a great "Universal History," of which he issued a volume each year till his death, May 23, 1886. He also wrote many monographs and essays; and he taught and trained nearly all the best recent German historians.]

AT THIS moment the war with the Spaniards - the resistance which the English auxiliaries offered to them in the Netherlands, as well as the attack now being made on their coasts occupied men's minds all the more, as the success of both the one and the other was very doubtful, and a most dangerous counterstroke was to be expected. The lion they wished to bind had only become more exasperated. The naval war in particular provoked the extreme of peril.

Hostilities had been going on a long while, arising at first from the privateering which filled the whole of the Western Ocean. The English traders held it to be their right to avenge every injustice done them on their neighbors' coasts- for man has, they said, a natural desire of procuring himself satisfaction -and so turned themselves into freebooters. Through the

counter operations of the Spaniards this private naval war became more and more extensive, and then also gradually developed more glorious impulses, as we see in Francis Drake, who at first only took part in the mere privateering of injured traders, and afterwards rose to the idea of a maritime rivalry between the nations. It was an important moment in the history of the world when Drake on the isthmus of Panama first caught sight of the Pacific, and prayed God for His grace that he might be sent over this sea some day in an English shipa grace since granted not merely to himself, but also in the richest measure to his nation. Many companies were formed to resume the voyages of discovery, already once begun and then again discontinued. And as the Spaniards based their exclusive right to the possession of the other hemisphere on the Pope's decision, Protestant ideas, which mocked at this supremacy of the Romish See over the world, now contributed also to impel men to occupy land in these regions. . . .

Francis Drake was commissioned to open the war. When, in October 1585, he reached the Islas de Bayona on the Gallician coast, he informed the governor, Don Pedro Bermudez, that he came in his Queen's name to put an end to the grievances which the English had had to suffer from the Spaniards. Don Pedro answered that he knew nothing of any such grievances; but if Drake wished to begin war, he was ready to meet him.

Francis Drake then directed his course at once to the West Indies. He surprised St. Domingo and Carthagena, occupied both one and the other for a short time, and levied heavy contributions on them. Then he brought back to England the colonists from Virginia, who were not yet able to hold their own against the natives. The next year he inflicted still more damage on the Spaniards. He made his way into the harbor of Cadiz, which was full of vessels that had either come from both the Indies or were proceeding thither; he sank or burnt them all. His privateers covered the sea.

Often already had the Spaniards planned an invasion of England. The most pressing motive of all lay in these maritime enterprises. The Spaniards remarked that the stability and power of their monarchy did not rest so much on the strong places they possessed in all parts of the world as on the movable instruments of dominion by which the connection with them was kept up; the interruption of the communica

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