a As it was about fourteen years from the death of Julia to this trial of Pomponia, Lipsius * suspects the reading of forty years;' and his emendation is approved by some, rejected by others. I rather think it to be right, as it is in all copies. Nor does Tacitus compute from the death of Julia to the time of this trial, but to the time of Pomponia's death. She lived,' he says, 'to a great age: and all the time from the death of Julia to her own death, which was the space of forty years, she was a perpetual mourner.' b с This foreign, or extraneous superstition, of which Pomponia was accused, is supposed by Lipsius, in his notes, and by others, to be the Christian religion: and we may be inclined to that opinion; but we cannot be certain of it. I have transcribed the whole account of this lady, that every one may the better judge for himself. d III. After a description of the terrible fire at Rome, in the tenth of Nero, and the sixtyfourth of our Lord, in which a large part of the city was consumed, and an account of the orders given for rebuilding and beautifying it, and the methods used to appease the anger of the gods, Tacitus adds: But neither all human help, nor the liberality of the emperor, nor all the atone. ⚫ments presented to the gods, availed to abate the infamy he lay under of having ordered the city to be set on fire. To suppress therefore this common rumour, Nero procured others to 'be accused, and inflicted exquisite punishments upon those people, who were in abhorrence for their crimes, and were commonly known by the name of Christians. They had their de• nomination from Christus, who in the reign of Tiberius was put to death as a criminal by the procurator Pontius Pilate. This pernicious superstition, though checked for a while, broke out again, and spread, not only over Judea, the source of this evil, but reached the city also; ⚫ whither flow from all quarters all things vile and shameful, and where they find shelter and encouragement. At first they only were apprehended who confessed themselves of that sect; 'afterwards a vast multitude, discovered by them: all which were condemned, not so much for the crime of burning the city, as for their enmity to mankind. Their executions were so contrived as to expose them to derision and contempt. Some were covered over with the skins ' of wild beasts, and torn to pieces by dogs; some were crucified; others, having been daubed ' over with combustible materials, were set up as lights in the night time, and thus burned to 'death. Nero made use of his own gardens as a theatre upon this occasion, and also exhibited the diversions of the Circus, sometimes standing in the crowd as a spectator, in the habit of a 'charioteer, at other times driving a chariot himself: till at length these men, though really cri'minal, and deserving exemplary punishment, began to be commiserated, as people who were destroyed, not out of a regard to the public welfare, but only to gratify the cruelty of one man.' Divers facts of the evangelical history are here attested: that our Saviour was put to death as a malefactor by Pontius Pilate, procurator under Tiberius: that from Christ the people called Christians had their name and sentiments: that this superstition, or religion, had its rise in Judea, where also it spread, notwithstanding the ignominious death of the founder of it, and the opposition which his followers met with from the people of that country afterwards: that thence it was propagated into other parts of the world, and as far as Rome, where in the tenth or eleventh year of Nero, and before, Christians were very numerous: and that the professors of this religion were reproached, and hated, and underwent many and grievous sufferings. Certainly the great number of Christians at Rome at this time, and their sufferings, are two things very observable. And though they were so hated, and Tacitus himself is so much offended with them, he a Vid. Not. ad loc. b Superstitionis externæ rea.] Christianismi credo accusatam, sive, ut tunc confundebant, Judaïsmi. Lipsius in loc. Forte Christianam pietatem intelligit. Nani apparet, sanctam mulierem fuisse Pomponiam Græcinam. Tacitus loquitur ut Ethnicus. Rhenanus in loc. c Christi doctrinam a Pomponiâ fuisse degustatam, non immerito conjicimus. Basnag. Ann. 57. p. ii. Pomponia Græcina fut accusée de suivre une superstition étrangère, dit Tacite; ce qui se peut entendre du Christianisme. Tillem. .Neron, art. v. Sed non ope humanâ, non largitionibus Principis, aut deum placamentis decedebat infamia, quin jussum incendium crederetur. Ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos, et quæsitissimis pœnis affecit, quos, per flagitia invisos, vulgus Christianos appellabat. Auctor nominis ejus Christus, qui, Tiberio imperante, per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio affectus erat. Repressa in præsens exitiabilis superstitio rursus erumpebat, non modo per Judæam, originem ejus mali, sed per Urbem etiam, quo cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluent, celebranturque. Igitur primo correpti qui fatebantur, deinde indicio eorum multitudo ingens, haud perinde in crimine incendii, quam odio humani generis, convicti sunt. Et pereuntibus addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti, lamiatu canum interirent, aut crucibus affixi, aut flammandi, atque, ubi defecisset dies, in usum nocturni luminis urerentur. Hortos suos ei spectaculo Nero obtulerat, et Circense ludicrum edebat, habitu aurigæ permixtus plebi vel circulo [curriculo legit Lipsius] insistens. Unde, quamquam adversus sontes, et novissima exempla meritos, miseratio oriebatur, tamquam non utilitate publicâ, sed in sævitiam unius absumerentur. Ann. 1. xv. c. 44, owns the cruelty with which they were treated was so excessive as to excite compassion. Nay, it seems their destruction was looked upon by many, not as a public benefit, but an act of savage cruelty. Which shews, after all, that they were not such monsters of wickedness as they are here represented. And all this guilt, this enmity to mankind, which Tacitus imputes to them, could be nothing else, as has been well observed by learned men, but their neglect of the ordinary worship of the gods. 6 It will not be disagreeable to compare this article of Tacitus with the account of the fire at Rome, and the ensuing persecution of the Christians, which is given by Sulpicius Severus, an elegant Christian writer of history, and in the Latin tongue, who flourished about the year 400. In the mean time,' says Sulpicius, when the number of the Christians was greatly increased, there happened a fire at Rome while Nero was at Antium. Nevertheless, the general opinion of all men cast the blame of the fire upon the emperor. And it was supposed that his aim therein was that he might have the glory of raising the city again in greater splendour. Nor could he by any means suppress the common rumour that the fire was owing to his orders. He therefore endeavoured to cast the reproach of it upon the Christians. And exquisite tortures 'were inflicted upon innocent men: and moreover new kinds of death were invented. Some were tied up in the skins of wild beasts, that they might be worried to death by dogs. Many were 'crucified. Others were burnt to death: and they were set up as lights in the night-time. This was the beginning of the persecution of the Christians. Afterwards the profession of the • Christian religion was prohibited by laws; and edicts were published that no man might be a ⚫ Christian. At that time Paul and Peter were condemned to death. The former was beheaded, Peter was crucified.' So writes Sulpicius. It is not unlikely that he had read Tacitus. However, I think it ought also to be supposed that he had other memoirs besides. с Sulpicius says that Nero was at Antium when the fire began. The same thing is observed by Tacitus, who also says that Nero did not come to Rome till the fire had approached his own palace, which at length, with every thing near it, was consumed. IV. It is not needful for me to translate or transcribe all that Tacitus says of the Jewish people, of whose original he was ignorant, and writes very absurdly, and therefore is called by Tertullian a great liar. Nor need I translate exactly his history of the Jewish war. I observe however these following particulars. He says that Judea was first brought into subjection to the Romans by Pompey. After which he gives a summary account of their affairs under Herod and his sons, the emperors Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero. He mentions Felix, whom he represents as a a Tacitus libro xv- -de Christianorum suppliciis-Ubi flagitia,' et odium humani generis,' nihil aliud sunt, quam falsorum deorum neglectus; quam eamdem caussam etiam Judais maledicendi Tacitus habuit, et Plinius major, cui Judæi dicuntur gens contumeliâ numinum insignis.' Cleric. Annot. ad Grot. de Ver. Rel. Christian. 1. 2, sect. ii. b Interea, abundante jam Christianorum multitudine, accidit, ut Roma incendio conflagraret, Nerone apud Antium constituto. Sed opinio omnium invidiam incendii in Principem retorquebat, credebaturque Imperator gloriam innovandæ urbis quæsisse. Neque ullâ re Nero efficiebat, quin ab eo jussum incendium putaretur. Igitur vertit invidiam in Christianos; actæque in innoxios crudelissimæ quæstiones. Quin et novæ mortes excogitatæ, ut ferarum tergis contecti, laniatu canum interirent. Multi crucibus affixi, aut flammâ usti. Plerique in id reservati, ut, cum defecisset dies, in usum nocturni luminis urerentur. Hoc initio in Christianos sæviri cœptum. Post etiam, datis legibus religio vetabatur; palamque edictis propositis, Christianum esse non licebat. Tum Paulus ac Petrus capitis damnati, quorum uni cervix gladio desecta, Petrus in crucem sublatus est. Sulp. Sever. Sacr. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 41, al. cap. 29. Eo in tempore Nero Antii agens, non ante in Urbem regressus est, quam domui ejus, quâ Palatium et Mæcenatis hortos continuaverat, ignis propinquaret. Neque tamen sisti potuit, • Cornelius Tacitus, sane ille mendaciorum loquacissimus. Apol. c. 16, p. 17. A. Romanorum primus Cn. Pompeius Judæos domuit, templumque jure victoriæ ingressus est. H. 1. v. cap. 9. 8 Claudius, defunctis regibus, aut ad modicum reductis, Judæam provinciam equitibus Romanis aut libertis permisit, e quibus Antonius Felix, per omnem sævitiam ac libidinem,. jus regium servili ingenio exercuit-Duravit tamen patientia Judæis, usque ad Gessium Florum procuratorem. Sub eo bellum ortum, et comprimere cœptantem Cestium Gallum Syriæ legatum, varia prœlia ac sæpius adversa excepere. Qui ubi fato aut tædio occidit, missu Neronis, Vespasianus fortunâ famâque et egregiis ministris intra duas æstates, cuncta camporum, omnesque præter Hierosolyma urbes, victore exercitu tenebat. Proximus annus, civili bello intentus, quantum ad Judæos per otium transiit. Pace per Italiam partâ, et externæ curæ rediere. Augebat iras, quod soli Judæi non cessissent. Simul manere apud exercitus Titum ad omnes principatus novi eventus casusve utilius videbatur. [Ejusdem anni principio Cæsar Titus perdomanda Judææ delectus a patre. Lib. v. cap. i. in.] Igitur castris, uti diximus, ante mania Hierosolymorum positis, instructas legiones. 6 • bad man, and tyrannical in his government. However, the Jews,' he says, 'bore the exactions of their governors, till the time of their procurator Gessius Florus, under whom the war began. Cestius Gallus, president of Syria, came to his assistance: but he being defeated, Nero sent Vespasian into Judea, who was a general of great merit and reputation, and having also under him good officers, in the space of two years,' meaning the years 67 and 68, he reduced the open country, and all the cities of Judea, excepting Jerusalem. The next year,' 69,' was taken up in civil wars;' meaning the time of the short reigns of Galba, Otho, Vitellius, till the • accession of Vespasian. The following year, [and the beginning of it,] Titus was appointed 'to attend the affairs of Judea; who now drew near to Jerusalem and besieged it. Tacitus supposeth that Titus was in haste to go to Rome to enjoy the pleasures and splendour of the city. He therefore carried on the siege with the greatest vigour. The army likewise was ⚫ intent upon plunder, and eager to gratify their revenge. The city however was strong by situation, and with good walls and ramparts: the high tower Antonia, conspicuous from far. The temple itself was like a citadel well fortified. They had a fountain of water that ran continually, and the mountains were hollowed under ground. Moreover they had pools and cisterns for preserving rain water. And there was a great confluence of people. For the men of the ⚫ other cities that had been reduced, and in general all the turbulent and seditious people of the ⚫ nation came hither. There were three captains,' or heads of factions, and as many armies, * Simon, John, called also Bargioras, and Eleazar, who occupied several parts of the city. Among themselves they had fierce contentions, and therein great quantities of provisions were consumed. Eleazar being killed, they were reduced to two factions. These fought with each • other till the near approach of the Romans obliged them to agreement. There were many 'prodigies foresignifying their ruin, which were not to be averted by all the sacrifices and vows of that people, superstitious in their own way of worship, though different from all others. Armies 'were seen fighting in the air with brandished weapons. A fire fell upon the temple from the clouds. The doors of the temple were suddenly opened. At the same time there was a loud ' voice declaring that the gods were removing: which was accompanied with the sound as of a 'multitude going out. All which things were supposed by some to portend great calamities. But the most had a strong persuasion that it was said in the ancient writings of the priests,' that is, ancient writings in the custody of the priests, that at that very time the East should. prevail, and that some who came from Judea should obtain the empire of the world. Which ambiguities foretold Vespasian and Titus. But the common people, But the common people, according to the usual 'influence of human passions, having once appropriated to themselves this vast grandeur of the fates, could not be brought to understand the true meaning by all their adversities. We have ⚫ been assured that the number of the besieged amounted to six hundred thousand. And more ostentavit. Judæi sub ipsos muros struxere aciem-Mox cessere hostes, et sequentibus diebus crebra pro portis prælia ferebant, donec assiduis damnis intra monia pellerentur. Romani ad oppugnandum versi. Neque enim dignum videbatur, famem hostium opperiri: poscebantque pericula, pars virtute, multi ferociâ, et cupidine præmiorum. Ipsi Tito Roma, et opes, voluptatesque ante oculos: : ac, ni statim Hierosolyma conciderent, morari videbantur. Sed urbem, arduam situ, opera molesque firmaverant, quis vel plana satis muni⚫rentur. Nam duos colles immensum editos claudebant muri per artem obliqui, aut introrsus sinuati. [Conf. 1. 2, cap. 4.] Alia intus moenia, regiæ circumjecta. Conspicuoque fastigio turris Antonia, in honorem M. Antonii ab Herode appellata. Templum in modum arcis, propriique muri, labore et opere ante alios. Ipsa porticus, quis templum ambiebatur, egregium propugnaculum. Fons perennis aquæ, cavati sub terrâ montes, et piscina cisternæque servandis imbribusmagnâ colluvie, et cæterarum urbium clade aucti. Nam pervicacissimus quisque illuc perfugerat, eoque seditiosius agebant. Tres duces, totidem exercitus. Extrema et latissima menium Simon; mediam urbem Joannes, quem et Bargiorain vocabant; templum Eleazarus firmaverat. Multitudine et armis Joannes ac Simon, Elezarus loco pollebat. Sed prælia, dolus, incendia, inter ipsos, et magna vis frumenti ambusta. Mox Joannes, missis per speciem sacrificandi, qui Eleazarum ma numque ejus obtruncarent, templo potitur. Ita in duas fac- bore arms than could have been expected from that number. For great was the resolution of all, both men and women. Against this city and people was Titus sent. As the city could not be taken by assault, different posts were assigned to the several legions. Battering engines of all kinds were prepared: and all the methods hitherto practised in sieges by the ancients, as ⚫ well as new inventions, were employed on this occasion.' So writes Tacitus, who could and might have been more particular in his history of the Jewish war in the several parts of that country, and likewise of the siege of Jerusalem. But his dislike of the subject, as it seems, and his love of brevity, have made him very concise. However, it is not unlikely that in the next book, which, with all the following books of that work, is lost, there was an account of the triumph of Vespasian and Titus at Rome in the following year. Nor is it unreasonable to suppose that there were also some more particulars concerning the event of the siege of Jerusalem: but what they were we cannot now say. It is also worth our while to observe, that in this fifth book of his history, from which the preceding article has been taken, at his entrance upon his account of the war, he says, 'he' was going to relate the final end of the renowned city of Jerusalem.’ He likewise takes notice that Jerusalem was the capital city of Judea, and that the temple there had in it immense riches.' Nor should we omit to observe that in the first chapter of this book he has reckoned up the forces with which Vespasian was furnished for carrying on this war, and not very disagreeably to Josephus: For he mentions the three legions quartered in Judea, the twelfth brought in from Syria, and other legions from Alexandria, beside the armies of the Roman allies, the kings Agrippa, Sohemus, and Antiochus, and a large body of Arabians, always averse to the Jews, and some volunteers of distinction even from Rome and Italy, who were willing to serve under Titus, a general of such renown and expectation, desirous to signalize their valour before him, and thereby to recommend themselves to his favour.' And though we do not find in Tacitus every thing that we might wish for, certainly what we have in his remaining works is a very valuable testimony to the accomplishment of our Lord's predictions concerning the destruction of Jerusalem, and the overthrow of the Jewish people. He must have read Josephus; many things are evidently taken from him: however he differs from him sometimes. It is somewhat strange that he should not compute a greater number within Jerusalem at the time of the siege than six hundred thousand. How shall we account for this? I answer, that perhaps Tacitus had met with some other accounts of the Jewish war beside that of Josephus. And I am apt to think it not unreasonable to believe, that Tacitus never read Josephus with so much care and diligence as we Christians have since read him. Moreover, six hundred thousand may be a certain number, used for an uncertain, denoting, that the city was then very full of people, and not intending to say there were no more. a Sed quia famosæ urbis supremum diem tradituri sumus. &c. Histor. 1. 5, c. 2, in. b Magna pars Judææ vicis dispergitur. Habent et oppida. Hierosolyma genti caput: Illic immensæ opulentiæ templum. &c. Ibid, c. 8. Ejusdem anni principio, Cæsar Titus perdomandæ Judææ delectus a patre-Tres enim in Judæâ legiones, quinta et decima, et quintadecima, vetus Vespasiani miles, excepere. Tradidit et Syria duodecimam, et adductos Alexan driâ duo et vicesimanos tertianosque. Comitabantur viginti sociæ cohortes, octo equitum ale, Simul Agrippa, Sohemusque reges, et auxilia regis Antiochi, validaque et solito inter accolas odio infensa Judæis Arabum manus. Multi, quos Urbe atque Italiâ suâ quemque spes acciverat occupandi Principem adhuc vacuum. His cum copiis fines hostium ingressus, composito agmine, cuncta explorans, paratusque decernere, haud procul Hierosolymis castra facit. Tacit, Hist. 1. 5. cap. i. 615 CHAP. VI. MARTIAL. I. His time and writings. II. His testimony to the fortitude of Christians. I. MARTIAL, or M. Valerius Martialis, author of fourteen books of epigrams, was born at Bilbilis in Spain, in the reign of Claudius. He is supposed to have come to Rome in the reign of Nero, when he was about twenty years of age, and to have lived there thirty years, beloved by the emperors, especially Domitian, after whose death he retired into his own country. As he lived long enough to write some epigrams in commendation of Nerva and Trajan, I have placed him so low as the last year of the first century, and the third of Trajan. He was intimate with Juvenal, and well acquainted with Pliny the younger. Martial was poor. When he left Rome, Pliny made him a handsome present; and when he heard of his death, he lamented it very affectionately. d II. This writer has been supposed to refer to the patient fortitude of Christians, in voluntarily enduring the greatest pains, rather than sacrifice to the gods, or do any thing contrary to the principles of their religion. You have, perhaps, lately seen acted in the theatre, Mucius, who thrust his hand into the fire. If you think such an one patient, valiant, stout, you are a mere senseless dotard. For it is a much greater thing when threatened with the troublesome coat, to say I do not sacrifice, than to obey the command-burn the hand.' However, the two lost verses of the epigram may be otherwise rendered, after this manner: For it is a much greater thing, when threatened with the troublesome coat, you are commanded to burn your hand, to say: I will not.' f But I can see no reason for bringing in the troublesome coat to oblige a man to act the part of Mucius in the theatre. And I much rather incline to the sense given in the first translation. I shall therefore place below the remarks of Stephen Le Moyne upon this epigram, who makes no doubt that Martial refers to the Christians, and declares that what Mucius did, is not comparable to the resolution of Christians under the sufferings which they endured. The troublesome coat, or shirt, here mentioned, a cruelty which, as we have before learned from Tacitus, the innocent Christians unjustly suffered, was made like a sack, of paper or coarse linen cloth; and having been first besmeared within and without with pitch, wax, rosin, sulphur, and such like combustible materials, or dipt all over in them, was put upon the person for whom it was appointed: and that he might be kept upright, the more to resemble a flaming torch, his chin was fastened to a stake fixed in the ground. 23. с That this was esteemed a cruel death is manifest from Seneca; who, describing the greatest a Vid. Voss. de Poet. Lat. Tillemont H. E. Domitien, art. b Vid. L. 12. Epigr. v.-ix. L. xi. 4, 5, x. 34. -Domitiani, Nervæ, et Trajani, tempora ingenio suo illustravit. Senex autem, Urbe relictâ, patriam suam repetens, in illa obiit sub eodem Trajano. Fabric. Bib. Lat. 1. 2. e. 20. De M. V. Martiali. • Audio, Valerium Martialem decessisse. Et moleste fero. Erat homo ingeniosus, acutus, acer, et qui plurimum in scribendo et salis haberet et fellis, nec candoris minus. Prosequutus eram cum viatico discedentem. Dederam hoc amicitiæ: dederam etiam versiculis, quos de me composuit. Plin. Lib. 3. E. p. 21. • In matutinâ nuper spectatus arenâ Mucius, imposuit qui sua membra focis, Nam, cum dicatur, tunicâ præsente molestâ, f Facinus Mucii non videtur, inquit Martialis, cuni fortitudine Christianorum comparandum. Ille ustulandam manum suam flammis exhibuit, ut istâ constantiâ reliquum corpus suum servaret. Sed Christiani totum corpus igni vorandum tradunt, imo igni lento; et patiuntur se supervestiri cereo indumento, ut instar cereorum ardeant; quod tamen possent declinare, si vellent, et si religioni popularium suorum, et sacris Imperatoris, faciles se alligarent. Sed malunt in cineres et favillas redigi, et se vivos ardere, quam sacrificare, vel thura adolere: et cum ad id compelluntur, dicunt: non facio, non sacrifico et tunica molestæ præsens et tremendum supplicium illos a sacris suis non potest avellere, vel minimum terrere. St. Le Moyne Varia sacra. p. 1041, 1042. Vid. et Kortholt. De Persecutionib. primit. Ec. P. 25. |