avail; ambition had uprooted all family affection, and hence the discord that prevailed between the two powers. But why need we wonder at this? Our great forefather had not long fallen from his lofty state of innocence, when one of his offspring lifted up the arm of revenge against the other, and slew him. Thence, therefore, springs all the discord in families and kingdoms; and, till mankind are restored to their original righteousness, till they have been washed in the blood of the Lamb, and sanctified by God's Holy Spirit, the Christian, exalted far above his fellows, will have occasion to sigh over the actions of the world at large, and to pray ardently for their conversion, that deeds at which his heart sickens, and discord at which he trembles, may cease.

To proceed with the history. Had Antiochus spoken truly, when he declared that the sole design of his coming into Egypt was to restore Philometer to his throne, he would have been pleased to have heard that the brothers were reconciled. But he was far from entertaining such thoughts. As soon as he heard of their reconciliation, he resolved to employ his whole force against them both.

The brothers anticipated such a result, and prepared for the blow. They sent ambassadors into Greece, to desire some auxiliary forces from the Achæans. The assembly was held in Corinth. The two kings requested only 1,000 foot soldiers, under the command of Lycortas, and 200 horse, under Polybius. Callicrates, who presided in the assembly, opposed this request, under the pretence that it would not be for the interest of the Achæan confederates to concern themselves with foreign affairs; and he asserted, that they ought to preserve their soldiers to aid the Romans, who were menaced with a fierce battle with Perseus. Lycortas and Polybius, speaking next, observed, that Polybius having been the year before with Marcius, who commanded the Roman army in Macedonia, to offer him the aid which the Achæan league had decreed to send him, the consul had declined the offer, stating that, as he had got footing in Macedonia, he should not want the aid of the allies; therefore, the Achæans, they added, could not have that pretext for abandoning the kings of Egypt. They further represented, that, as the league was able, without inconvenience, to levy 30,000 or 40,000 men, so small a number as was required by the Egyptian princes would not lessen their strength; that it would be ungrateful of them to forget the favours they had received from the Egyptians; and that their refusal would be a violation of the treaties and oaths on which the alliance was founded. As the majority were for granting the aid, Callicrates dismissed the ambassadors, pretending that it was contrary to the laws, to debate an affair of that nature in such an assembly.

Another assembly was therefore held, some time after, in Sicyon; and, as the members were about to take the same resolution, Callicrates read a forged letter from Q. Marcius, by which the Achæans were exhorted to employ their mediation for terminating the war between the two Ptolemies and Antiochus; and, in consequence, caused a decree to pass, whereby the Achæan confederates agreed to send only an embassy to these princes.

In the mean time, Antiochus, after taking measures for preserving the possession of the island of Cyprus, marched at the head of a very powerful army, with the express design of subduing Egypt to his yoke. Upon his arrival at Rhinocorura, he found ambassadors from Philometer, who represented to him, that their sovereign was very sensible that he owed his restoration to Antiochus; and that he conjured him not to destroy his own work, by employing force of arms, but to acquaint him amicably with his intentions. Antiochus, now throwing off the mask of friendship which he had hitherto worn, told the ambassadors that he insisted upon having the island of Cyprus, with the city of Pelusium, and all the land along the arm of the Nile on which it was situated, resigned to him for ever, on which conditions alone he would make peace. He also fixed a day for a final answer to his demand.

That day having arrived, and the satisfaction he claimed not being made, Antiochus began hostilities. He penetrated as far as Memphis, subjecting the whole country through which he passed, and he there received the submission of almost all the rest of the kingdom. Afterwards, he marched towards Alexandria, with a design to besiege that city, the possession of which would have made him absolute master of Egypt. He would have succeeded in his enterprise, had he not been checked in his career by the Roman embassy, before mentioned, which broke all the measures he had taken to possess himself of Egypt.

These ambassadors landed at Alexandria, as Antiochus was marching to besiege it. They accordingly went out to meet him. They met with him at Eleusine, which was not a mile from Alexandria. The king seeing Popilius, with whom he had been intimately acquainted at Rome, when he was a hostage in that city, opened his arms to embrace him as an old friend. The Roman, however, who did not consider himself on that occasion as a private man, but a servant of the public, desired to know, before he answered his compliment, whether he spoke to a friend or an enemy of Rome. He then gave him the decree of the senate, bade him read it over, and return him an immediate answer. Antiochus, after perusing it, said, he would examine the contents of it with his friends, and give his answer in a short time. Popilius, displeased with this evasion, drew, with the wand he held in his hand, a circle round Antiochus, and then raising his voice-" Answer," says he, "the senate, before you stir out of that circle." The king, confounded at so haughty an order, after a moment's reflection, replied, that he would act according to the desire of the senate. Popilius then received his civilities, and returned his friendship.

It may be mentioned, that the circumstance which made Popilius so bold, and Antiochus so submissive on this occasion, was, the news that arrived just before of the great victory gained by the Romans over Perseus, king of Macedonia. From that instant, every thing was prostrate before them, and the Roman name was formidable to all princes and nations: thus realizing the description of their empire found in the prophecies of Daniel: "And the fourth kingdom shall be strong as iron: forasmuch as iron breaketh in

pieces and subdueth all things: and as iron that breaketh all these, shall it break in pieces and bruise," Dan. ii. 40. The use the Romans made of this power was, in this instance, a noble one. Justice and humanity shone forth conspicuous in the action, and it would have been well for the Roman name had they always acted thus. But with their prosperity, pride entered their ranks, and luxury followed in its train, which led them to acts of rapine and of slaughter among the nations around.

Antiochus having left Egypt at the time stipulated, Popilius and his colleagues returned to Alexandria, where he brought to a conclusion the treaty of union between the two brothers. He then crossed into Cyprus, sent home the fleet of Antiochus, which had gained a victory over that of the Egyptians, restored the island to the kings of Egypt, and then returned to Rome, to acquaint the senate with the success of his embassy.

Almost at the same time, ambassadors from Antiochus, the two Ptolemies, and Cleopatra their sister, arrived in Rome. The former reported, "That the peace which the senate had been pleased to grant their sovereign appeared to him more glorious than the most splendid conquests; and that he had obeyed the commands of the Roman ambassadors, as strictly as if they had been sent from the gods!" They afterwards congratulated the Romans on the victory they had gained over Perseus. The other ambassadors spoke in the same fulsome and impious strain. They said, "That the two Ptolemies and Cleopatra thought themselves bound in as great obligations to the senate and people of Rome, as to their parents, and even to the gods; having been delivered, by the protection which Rome had granted them, from a very grievous siege, and re-established on the throne of their ancestors, of which they had been well nigh dispossessed." The senate replied, "That Antiochus acted wisely in paying obedience to the ambassadors; and that the senate and people of Rome were pleased with him for it." With regard to the Ptolemies and Cleopatra, it was answered, "That the senate were very much pleased with the opportunity of doing them some service; and that they would endeavour to make them sensible, that they ought to look upon the friendship and protection of the Romans as the most solid support of their kingdom." The prætor was then directed to make the ambassadors the usual presents. All these latter events

occurred B. c. 168.

The swords of the uncle and nephews had scarcely been sheathed, by the intervention of the Romans, when the brothers turned theirs against each other. Their divisions, indeed, rose to such a height, that the Roman senate gave orders to the ambassadors they had sent into Syria, to proceed to Alexandria, and to use their utmost endeavours to reconcile the two kings. But before the ambassadors reached Egypt, Physcon, the younger brother, had driven Philometer from the throne, and obliged him to quit the kingdom. He embarked for Italy, and landed at Brundusium, from whence he travelled to Rome on foot, meanly dressed, and with very few attendants. This humble appearance he

affected, in all likelihood, to excite the pity of the senate. Demetrius, the son of Seleucus Philopater, late king of Syria, was then a hostage at Rome; and when he had notice of the arrival of Ptolemy in Italy, and of the deplorable condition in which he was going to appear in the metropolis of the world, he caused an equipage to be prepared for him suitable to his dignity, and went out with it himself to meet him, that he.. might appear at Rome as a king. Demetrius found Philometer at twenty-six miles distant from Rome, covered with dust. He embraced him, put a crown on his head, and begged he would make use of the royal equipage, which he had brought for that purpose. Ptolemy expressed his gratitude for the honour and respect the Syrian had shown him, but had his reasons for not accepting the offers of the prince. He would not even permit Demetrius to accompany him the rest of his journey, but entered Rome on foot, with the same mean attendance, and in the same dress with which he first set out on his journey, and without any state or ceremony took up his lodging with a painter of Alexandria.

When the senate were informed of his arrival, they sent for Philometer, and excused themselves for not having received him with those ceremonies which were usual on such occasions; assuring him that it was not from any neglect, or want of respect, but because his arrival in Italy had been kept so secret, that they were not apprized of it till after he had entered Rome. After this, having desired him to quit the habit he wore, and to fix a day for an audience of the senate, in order to lay before them the motives of his journey, he was conducted by some of the senators to lodgings suitable to his dignity, and the quæstor was ordered to supply him with every necessary, at the expense of the public.

On the day appointed for his audience with the senate, he represented to them the injustice of his brother, and the wrongs he had received at his hands, so effectually, that they immediately decreed his restoration, and deputed two of their body, Quintius and Canuleius, to attend him to Alexandria, and cause their decree to be put into execution. They reconducted him, accordingly; and on their arrival in Egypt, succeeded in negotiating an accommodation between the two brothers, in virtue of which, Physcon was put in possession of Lybia and the province of Cyrene; and Philometer, of all Egypt and the island of Cyprus, each of them being declared independent of the other in the dominion allotted them. The treaty of agreement was confirmed with the customary oaths and sacrifices.

Oaths and sacrifices, however, at this date, (B. C. 162,) had long been with the generality of princes mere ceremonies, by which they did not consider themselves bound in the slightest degree. Accordingly, soon after, Physcon being dissatisfied with his portion, went to Rome to complain to the senate. He demanded that the treaty of partition should be annulled, and that he should be restored to the possession of the isle of Cyprus. He alleged that he had been forced by the necessity of the times to comply with the former proposals, and that, even though Cyprus should be granted him, his share would

be still inferior to his brother's. Menithyllus, whom Philometer had sent to plead his cause, maintained it with great zeal and ability. He made it appear that Physcon not only held Libya and Cyrenaica, but his life also from the goodness of his brother; that he had made himself so much abhorred by the people by his violent proceedings, that they would have left him neither life nor government had not his brother rescued him from their resentment, by making himself mediator; that at the time he was preserved from this danger, he thought himself happy in presiding over the region allotted to him; and that both sides had ratified the treaty before the gods, and sworn to observe their agreement with each other. The truth of this statement was confirmed by Quintius and Canuleius, who had negotiated the treaty between the

brothers.

Nothing could be more equitable than the decisions of the senate of Rome, when their own interest did not interfere and help to turn the balance. But as it was for the advantage of the republic that the strength of the kingdom should be divided, and consequently lessened, those refined politicians, without any regard to justice, granted the younger brother his demands. Polybius observes on this transaction, that the Romans were ever careful to improve to their own advantage the quarrels and disputes which arose among kings and princes, conducting themselves therein in such a manner as to make the contending parties believe that they favoured them, while they promoted their own interest, which they had solely in view in all their resolutions. This alone prompted them to favour Physcon, and adjudge to him the island of Cyprus.

While Physcon was at Rome on this occasion, he had frequent opportunity of seeing Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, who was the pattern of her sex, and the prodigy of her age. Being taken, not so much with her charms as with her virtue and extraordinary qualifications, he caused proposals of marriage to be made to her. But she, being the daughter of Scipio Africanus, and the widow of Tiberius Gracchus, who had been twice consul, and once censor, despised the offer, imagining it to be more honourable to be one of the first matrons of Rome than to reign with Physcon upon the throne of Libya.

When Physcon returned, two commissioners were sent with him to carry their decree into effect to put him in possession of Cyprus. Their orders were, to use gentle methods, and endeavour by fair means to prevail upon Philometer to give up Cyprus to his brother. Their plan was, to concert an interview between the two brothers on the frontiers of their dominions, and there to settle matters between them agreeably to their instructions. But Torquatus, on his arrival at the court of Alexandria, found Philometer no ways inclined to comply with the decree of the senate. He urged the late agreement made between him and his brother by Quintius and Canuleius, the former ambassadors, in virtue of which, Cyprus having been allotted to him, he deemed it strange that it should, contrary to the articles of that treaty, be now taken from him and given to his brother. Philometer did not, however, absolutely refuse to yield to

the order of the senate, but showing himself inclined to grant some things, and objecting against others, he spun out the time without coming to any determination, in order that he might concert secret measures against his brother.

In the mean time, Physcon, who waited at Apis in Libya, as had been agreed, to hear the result of the negotiations of Torquatus, receiving no intelligence from him, sent Merula the other ambassador also to Alexandria, hoping that both might be able to prevail upon Philometer to comply with the orders of the republic. But Philometer still observed the some conduct, treating the ambassadors with great kindness, flattering them with fair words, and entertaining them in a costly manner for forty days together without giving them any definite reply. At length, when he found that he could evade their demands no longer, he declared that he was resolved to stand to the first treaty, and no other. With this answer Merula returned to Physcon, and Torquatus to Rome.

The Cyreneans, in the mean time, being informed of the conduct of Physcon during his brief reign at Alexandria, conceived so strong an aversion against him, that they resolved to keep him out of their country by force of arms. Philometer, it was believed, secretly fomented these disturbances, in order to find his brother employment at home, and thereby divert him from raising fresh commotions in Egypt or Cyprus. Physcon being informed of these troubles, and at the same time receiving intelligence that the Cyreneans were already in the field, laid aside all thoughts of Cyprus, and leaving Apis, where his fleet lay in harbour, he hastened to Cyrene with all his forces, but was on his arrival overthrown by the rebels. Having now well nigh lost all hope, Physcon sent two deputies to Rome, there to renew his complaints against his brother, and to solicit their protection. The senate, offended at Philometer's refusal to evacuate Cyprus according to their decree, declared that there was no longer any amity and alliance between him and the Romans, and ordered his ambassador to leave the city in five days. Two ambassadors were despatched to Cyrene to acquaint Physcon with the resolution of the Roman senate.

Physcon, at length, having subdued his rebellious subjects, re-established himself in Cyrenaica. But his wicked and vicious conduct soon estranged the minds of the Cyreneans from him to such a degree, that some of them conspired against him, and wounded him in several places, leaving him for dead. This he laid to the charge of his brother Philometer, and as soon as he was recovered, returned to Rome to make his complaints to the senate, he showed them the scars of his wounds, and accused him of having employed the assassins from whom he received them.

Though Philometer was known to be a prince of a mild disposition, and of all men living the most unlikely to countenance so black a crime, yet the senate, being offended at his refusal to submit to their decree with reference to Cyprus, hearkened to this false accusation. They carried their prejudice against him, indeed, to such

an extent, that they would not so much as hear what his ambassadors had to say in his defence. Orders were sent to them to quit Rome immediately. At the same time, they appointed five commissioners to conduct Physcon into Cyprus, and put him in possession of that island, enjoining all their allies in the adjacent countries to furnish him with forces for that purpose. By these means, B. c. 159, Physcon landed in the island of Cyprus. Philometer, however, who had gone there in person to defend his territories, defeated him, and obliged him to shut himself up in Lapitho, a city in that island, where he was closely besieged, and at length taken and delivered up to Philometer, whom he had so deeply injured. Philometer's gentleness of heart appeared conspicuous upon this occasion. After all that Physcon had devised and executed against him, it was expected that he would make him sensible of his indignation and revenge. But how lovely was the reverse! He not only freely forgave him, but restored him Libya and Cyrenaica, and added, farther, some amends in lieu of the island of Cyprus. This act of generosity put an end to the war between the two brothers; and the Romans were ashamed of opposing any longer a prince of such distinguished clemency.

Christian reader, go and do thou likewise. If thy brother trespass against thee, copy the example of this pagan monarch, and forgive him. But thou art taught to perform a nobler action even than this. "But I say unto you," says the blessed Redeemer, "Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you; that ye may be the children of your Father which is in heaven: for he maketh his sun to rise on the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust," Matt. v. 44, 45.

On his return to Alexandria, Philometer appointed Archias governor of Cyprus. This man had formerly served Ptolemy with great fidelity, and even attended him to Rome when he was driven from his kingdom. But as he was of a covetous temper, his fidelity was not proof against gold; he agreed with Demetrius, king of Syria, to betray Cyprus to him for 500 talents. The treachery was discovered before it was carried into effect, and the traitor, to avoid punishment, laid violent hands on himself. Ptolemy, being disgusted with Demetrius for his attempt upon Cyprus, joined Attalus king of Pergamus, and Ariarathes king of Cappadocia, in setting up Alexander Balas as a pretender to his crown, and supporting him with all the strength of his kingdom.

About B. c. 150, Alexander, who had become master of the empire of Syria, sent to demand Cleopatra, the daughter of Philometer king of Egypt, in marriage. She was granted him; and her father conducted her in person to Ptolemais, where the nuptials were celebrated.

The same year, Onias, son of Onias III., who had retired into Egypt in consequence of being disappointed of the high-priesthood after the death of Menelaus his uncle, obtained permission of Philometer for building a temple for the Jews in Egypt, like that in Jerusalem; and at the

ever.

same time, he obtained a grant of the highpriesthood to him and his descendants for Philometer was induced to make this grant, by the assurances of Onias that such a favour would bring the whole nation over to his side against Antiochus Epiphanes. His act was therefore one of policy, and readily performed. But Onias had some difficulty to make the Jews accede to this innovation; it being strictly forbidden by the law to offer sacrifices in any place but the temple of Jerusalem. He overcame their repugnance, however, through the means of a passage in Isaiah, wherein the prophet foretells the event in these terms:

"In that day shall five cities in the land of Egypt Speak the language of Canaan,

And swear to the Lord of hosts;

One shall be called, The city of destruction.t
In that day shall there be an altar to the Lord
In the midst of the land of Egypt,

And a pillar at the border thereof to the Lord.
And it shall be for a sign and for a witness
Unto the Lord of hosts in the land of Egypt:
For they shall cry unto the Lord because of the oppressors,
And he shall send them a saviour, and a great one,
And he shall deliver them.

And the Lord shall be known to Egypt,

And the Egyptians shall know the Lord in that day,
And shall do sacrifice and oblation;

Yea, they shall vow a vow unto the Lord, and perform

it."-Isa. xix. 18-21.

most

The event here predicted by Isaiah is one of the most singular, and at the same time the remote from all probability of ever coming to pass. Nothing was more strictly forbidden to the Jews than to offer sacrifices to God in any other place but the temple at Jerusalem. How sacrilegious, then, must it have been considered by the Jews to erect a temple elsewhere, especially in a land so polluted with gross idolatry as Egypt was, and among a people who were always at enmity with the people of God! But the word of God had gone forth that such an event should occur; and no power or device could prevent or retard its accomplishment.

In the year B. c. 146, Philometer marched

There has been much discussion about this clause,

arising from the word rendered destruction. The Hebrew by a transcriber, becomes cheres, the sun, which makes

word, heres, by the change of a single letter, easily mistaken

the clause read, "The city of the sun," which would refer to Heliopolis. Lowth, Boothroyd, and others, follow the Vulgate in adopting the last reading. Onias understood the prophecy, that the temple should be built in the district or nome of Heliopolis, where it was accordingly built on the site of a ruined temple of Bubastis. He called the city which contained the temple after his own name, Onion. It was situated about twenty-four miles from Memphis, and remained till the time of Vespasian, who ordered it to be destroyed.

Philo estimated the number of Jews in Egypt at not less than one million. Through the presence of so many,

together with the translation of the Old Testament into

Greek at the instance of Ptolemy Philadelphus, the Lord must in some degree have been known in Egypt, and the Egyptians have known the Lord. We read, indeed, Acts ii. 10, of dwellers in Egypt, "Jews and proselytes," among those who went up to Jerusalem to keep the feast of Pentecost.