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during his continuance at Jerusalem, had conceived a great regard for his character, and as he set out for Egypt before him, he promised to render him all the good offices in his power with the king. Joseph followed him soon after. On his way thither, he met with several of the most considerable persons of Colo-Syria and Palestine, who were also going to Egypt with an intention of offering terms for farming the great revenues of those provinces. As the equipage of Joseph was less magnificent than theirs, they treated him with disrespect, and considered him as a person of little note. Joseph concealed his dissatisfaction at their behaviour; but he drew from the conversation that passed between them all the information he could wish with relation to the affairs that took them to court.

When they arrived at Alexandria, they were informed that the king had gone to Memphis. Joseph immediately repaired thither, and he met him as he was returning from Memphis, with the

queen and Athenion in his chariot. The king, who had been prepossessed in his favour by Athenion, was pleased to see him, and invited him into his chariot. Joseph, to excuse his uncle, represented the infirmities of his great age, and the natural tardiness of his disposition, in such an engaging manner as satisfied Ptolemy, and created in him a high esteem for the able advocate of the high priest. He ordered Joseph an apartment in the royal palace of Alexandria, and allowed him a place at his table.

When the day arrived for purchasing, by a sort of auction, the privilege of farming the revenues of the provinces, the companions of Joseph, in his journey to Egypt, offered 8,000 talents only for the provinces of Cœlo-Syria, Phenicia, Judea, and Samaria. Joseph, who had discovered in the conversation that passed between them in his presence, that this purchase was worth double the sum they offered, reproached them for depreciating the king's revenues, and offered 16,000 talents. Ptolemy was well pleased to hear of his revenues being so much increased; but being apprehensive that the person who proffered so large a sum would not be able to pay it, he asked Joseph what security he would give him for the performance of the agreement. Joseph calmly replied, that he had such persons to offer for his security on that occasion as he was certain his majesty could have no objection to. Upon being ordered to mention them, he named the king and queen themselves, adding, that they would be his securities to each other. The king could not avoid smiling at this pleasantry, and he allowed him to farm the revenues without any other security than his verbal promise for payment. Nor was his confidence abused. Joseph acted in that station for the space of ten years, to the mutual satisfaction of the court and provinces.

In the year B. c. 222, Ptolemy entertained Cleomenes the Spartan, who had been driven from his throne by Antigonus. He gave that prince repeated assurances, indeed, that he would send him into Greece with a fleet and a supply of money, and would re-establish him on his throne. The next year, however, before his designs could be carried into execution, Euergetes died, and Cleomenes found by experience how vain it

was to trust in man. Truly wise is the advice of the psalmist, wherein he says: "Put not your trust in princes, nor in the son of man, in whom there is no help. His breath goeth forth, he returneth to his earth; in that very day his thoughts perish," Psa. cxlvi. 3, 4.

Ptolemy Euergetes had reigned twenty-five years. He was the last of the race of the Ptolemies, says Strabo, in whom any true virtue and moderation shone forth; the generality of his successors being monsters of debauchery and wickedness. He was succeeded on the throne of Egypt by his son,

PTOLEMY PHILOPATER.

This prince plunged himself in the most abominable excesses during the whole of his marked by outrage and bloodshed. By some reign. The very commencement of it was historians he is said to have poisoned his father, whence he received the surname of Philopater, by antiphrasis, that word signifying, “a lover of his father." He received the name of Tryphon from his extravagance and debauchery; and that of Gallus, because he appeared in the streets of Alexandria like one of the bacchanals, and with all the wild gestures of the priests of Cybele.*

lemy committed a gross act of injustice and cruIn the early part of his reign, B. c. 220, Ptoelty upon the person of Cleomenes. That prince still continued in Egypt; but as Ptolemy regarded nothing but pleasures and excesses of every kind, he led a very solitary life. At first, however, Ptolemy made use of Cleomenes. As he was afraid of his brother Magas, who on his mother's account had great authority and power over the soldiery, he admitted Cleomenes into his most secret councils, in which means for getting rid of his brother were devised. menes was the only person who had moral rectitude enough to oppose the unnatural scheme; declaring, that a king cannot have any ministers more zealous for his service, or more able to aid him in sustaining the burden of government, than his brothers. This wise counsel prevailed for a and he imagined there would be no other way to moment; but Ptolemy's suspicions soon returned, disperse them but by taking away the life of him that occasioned them. Accordingly, he

Cleo

publicly caused Berenice his mother, and Magas his brother, to be put to death. After this, says Plutarch, he thought himself secure, fondly concluding that he had no enemies to fear either at home or abroad; because Antigonus and Seleucus at their death left no other successors but Philip and Antiochus, both of whom he despised on account of their tender age. In this security, he terrupting them by cares or business. His very devoted himself to all kinds of pleasures, never incourtiers, and those who had employments in the state, dared not approach him, and he would scarcely deign to bestow the least attention on what occurred in the neighbouring kingdoms.

With such dispositions, it can readily be ima

In the celebration of the festivals of Cybele, her priests imitated the manners of madmen, and filled the air with dreadful shrieks and howlings, mixed with the confused noise of drums, tabrets, bucklers, and spears. This was in commemoration of the sorrows of Cybele for the loss of her favourite Atys.

gined that he had no great esteem for Cleomenes. This was manifested by his conduct. The instant the latter heard of the death of Antigonus, that the Achæans were engaged in a war with the Etolians, that the Lacedemonians were united with the latter against the Achæans and Macedonians, and that all things conspired to recall him to his native country, he solicited leave to depart from Alexandria. At first he implored the king to favour him with troops and warlike stores sufficient for his return, and when he found that he could not obtain this request, he desired that he at least might be suffered to depart with his family, and be allowed to embrace the favourable opportunity for repossessing himself of his kingdom. But Ptolemy was too much engaged by his pleasures to lend an ear to the entreaties of Cleomenes.

And

Sosibius, who at this time had great authority in the kingdom, and who ministered to the king's brutal pleasures, assembled his friends; and in this council a resolution was formed not to furnish Cleomenes either with a fleet or provisions. They supposed such an expense would be useless; for, from the death of Antigonus, all foreign affairs had seemed to them of small importance. This council were apprehensive, moreover, that as Antigonus was dead, and as there was none to oppose Cleomenes, that that prince, after having made a conquest of Greece, would become a formidable enemy to Egypt. And what increased their fears was, his having thoroughly studied the state of the kingdom, his knowing its weak points, his holding the king in sovereign contempt, and seeing many parts of the kingdom separated and at a great distance, which an enemy might have many opportunities of invading. For these reasons, it was deemed politic not to grant Clomenes the aid which he desired. on the other side, to give so bold and enterprising a prince leave to depart, after having refused these succours, would be making an enemy, who would certainly one time or other resent the insult offered to him. Sosibius was therefore of opinion, that it was not safe to allow him to retire from, or even to allow him his liberty in Alexandria. A word which Cleomenes had previously uttered occurred to his memory, and confirmed him in this opinion. In a council, where Magas was the subject of the debate, the prime minister had signified his fears lest this prince should raise an insurrection by means of foreign soldiers. "I answer for them," says Cleomenes, speaking of those of Peloponnesus, "and you may depend, that upon the first signal I give, they will take up arms in your favour." This made Sosibius hesitate no longer. On a fictitious accusation, which he corroborated by a letter he himself had forged in the name of Cleomenes, he prevailed with the king to seize his person, and to imprison him in a secure place, where he might maintain him always in the manner he had hitherto done, with the liberty of seeing his friends, but not of going abroad with them.

This treatment threw Cleomenes into the deepest affliction; and as he did not perceive any end of his calamities, he formed a resolution, in concert with those friends who used to visit him, which despair only could suggest. This

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resolution was, to repel the injustice of Ptolemy by force of arms; to stir up his subjects against him; to die a death worthy of Sparta; and not to wait, as stalled victims, till it was deemed expedient they should be sacrificed.

His friends having found means to get him forth from prison, they all ran in a body with drawn swords into the streets, exhorting and calling upon the populace to recover their liberty; but no one joined them. They killed the governor of the city, and some noblemen who came to oppose them, and afterwards ran to the citadel with an intention of forcing the gates, and of setting the prisoners at liberty; but they found it impracticable. Cleomenes now lost all hope. He ran up and down the city in despair, during which he was neither aided nor opposed by the citizens. When they, therefore, saw that it would be impossible for them to succeed in their enterprise, they terminated it in a tragical manner: they ran upon each others' swords to avoid the infamy of punishment. Ptolemy caused his body to be hanged on a cross, and he ordered his wife, children, and all the women who attended them, to be put to death. When that unhappy princess was brought to the place of execution, the only favour she asked was, that she might die before her children. But this was denied her. Her maternal feelings were outraged by the sight of the death of her offspring, a sight more grievous to a mother than death itself. After this she presented her own neck to the executioner, mournfully ex| claiming, "Ah! my dear children, to what a place did you come!"

While this tragical scene was performing, Ptolemy was pursuing his guilty pleasures. But in the midst of his wild career, B. c. 219, he was called to war with Antiochus, king of Syria. Theodotus, the Ætolian governor of Cœlo-Syria under Ptolemy, had repulsed that prince the year before, in a battle wherein he had displayed great fidelity and courage. The court of Egypt, however, was not satisfied with his services on that occasion. Those who governed the king, had expected greater results from his valour; and were persuaded that it was in his power to have done something more. He was accordingly sent for to Alexandria, to give an account of his conduct, and his life was even threatened. After the reasons for his conduct were heard, however, he was acquitted, and sent back to his government.

Theodotus could not forget the insult which had been offered to him by this unjust accusation: he was, indeed, so exasperated at the affront, that he resolved to revenge it. The luxury and effeminacy of the whole court, to which he had been an eye-witness, increased, also, his indignation and resentment. He could not endure the idea of being dependent on the caprice of so base and contemptible a set of courtiers, and therefore he resolved to find a sovereign more worthy of his services. Accordingly, he had no sooner returned to his government, than he seized upon the cities of Tyre and Ptolemais, declared for Antiochus, and despatched a courier to invite him thither.

One of Ptolemy's generals, Nicolaus, though he was of the same country with Theodotus,

would not desert Ptolemy, but preserved his fidelity to that prince. The moment, therefore, that Theodotus had taken Ptolemais, he besieged him in it, possessed himself of the passes of Mount Libanus, to stop the progress of Antiochus, who was advancing to the aid of Theodotus, and defended them to the last extremity. He was, however, finally obliged to abandon them, and Antiochus took possession of Tyre and Ptolemais.

In these two cities were the stores which Ptolemy had laid up for the use of his army, with a fleet of forty sail. Antiochus gave the command of these ships to Diognetus, his admiral, who was ordered to sail to Pelusium, whither the king intended to march by land, with the view of invading Egypt on that side. Being informed, however, that this was the season in which the inhabitants used to lay the country under water, by opening the dykes of the Nile; and consequently, that it would be impossible for him to advance into Egypt at that time, he abandoned the project, and employed his army in reducing the rest of Colo-Syria. He seized upon some fortresses, and others submitted to him; and, at length, he possessed himself of Damascus, the | capital of that province, after having deceived Dinon the governor of it by a stratagem.

The last action of this campaign was the siege of Dora, a maritime city in the neighbourhood of Mount Carmel. This place, which was strongly situated, had been so well fortified by Nicolaus, that it was impossible for Antiochus to reduce it. He was, therefore, forced to agree to a truce of four months, proposed to him in the name of Ptolemy; and this served as an honourable pretence for marching back his army to Seleucia on the Orontes, where he put them into winter quarters. Theodotus was appointed by Antiochus governor of all the places he had conquered in this campaign.

During the interval of this truce, a treaty was negotiated between the two crowns. The motive of both, however, in taking this step, was only to gain time. Ptolemy had occasion for this in order to make the necessary preparations for carrying on the war; and Antiochus for reducing Achæus, who was endeavouring to dethrone him, and to dispossess him of all his dominions.

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In this treaty, the principal point was, to ascertain to whom Celo-Syria, Phenicia, Judea, and Samaria had been given in the partition of Alex- | ander the Great's empire. Ptolemy claimed them by virtue of their having been assigned by treaty to Ptolemy Soter, his grandfather. On the other side, Antiochus pretended that they had been given to Seleucus Nicator, and therefore that they were his right, he being heir and successor of that king in the empire of Syria. Another difficulty embarrassed the commissioners. Ptolemy would have Achaeus included in the treaty; but Antiochus opposed this, alleging that it was infamous for a king like Ptolemy to espouse the quarrel of rebels, and countenance revolt.

The period of the truce at length arrived, B.C. 218, and nothing being concluded, recourse was had to arms. Nicolaus the Ætolian had given so many proofs of valour and fidelity in the last campaign, that Ptolemy gave him the command in chief of his army, and charged him with every

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thing relating to the service of the king in those provinces which were the occasion of the war. Perigenes, the admiral, put to sea with the fleet, in order to act against the enemy on that side. Nicolaus appointed Gaza for the rendezvous of all his forces, whither all the provisions necessary for the campaign had been sent from Egypt. From thence he marched to Mount Libanus, where he seized all the passes between that chain of mountains and the sea, by which Antiochus was necessarily obliged to pass, hoping thereby to prevent his further progress.

Antiochus, on the other hand, made every preparation both by sea and land for a vigorous invasion. He headed his land forces himself, and gave the command of his fleet to Diognetus. Both fleets sailed along the coasts, and followed the army, so that the naval as well as land forces met at the passes which Nicolaus had seized. Whilst Antiochus attacked Nicolaus by land, the fleets also came to an engagement, so that the battle began by sea and land at the same time. At sea, neither party gained the superiority, but on land Nicolaus was overpowered. He was forced to retire to Sidon, after losing 4,000 of his soldiers, who were either killed or taken prisoners. Perigenes followed him thither with the Egyptian fleet, and Antiochus pursued them to that city both by sea and land. He designed to besiege them there; but he found that this would be attended with many difficulties, because of the great number of troops in the city, and the quantity of provision and other necessaries laid up in store for them there. Instead, therefore, of besieging this city, he sent his fleet to Tyre, and marched into Galilee. After having made himself master of it by the capture of several cities, he passed the river Jordan, entered Gilead, and possessed himself of all that part of the country formerly inhabited by the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh.

The season was now too far advanced to prolong the campaign, for which reason he returned by the river Jordan, left the government of Samaria to Hippolochus and Kereas, who had deserted Ptolemy's service, and gave them 5,000 men to keep it in subjection. He then marched back the rest of the forces to Ptolemais, where he put them into winter quarters.

The campaign was opened in the spring B.C.217. Ptolemy caused 70,000 foot, 5,000 horse, and seven ty-three elephants to advance towards Pelusium. He placed himself at the head of these forces, and marched them through the deserts which divide Egypt from Palestine, and encamped at Raphia, between Rhinocorura and Gaza, at the latter of which cities the two armies met. That of Antiochus was something more numerous than the other. His forces consisted of 72,000 foot, 6,000 horse, and 102 elephants. He first encamped within ten furlongs, and then within five of the enemy. All the time they lay so near one another, there were perpetual skirmishes between the parties who went to fetch fresh water or to forage, as well as between individuals who wished to distinguish themselves by deeds of bravery.

Theodotus the Ætolian, favoured by the darkness of the night, and accompanied by two accom

plices, entered the camp of the Egyptians with a design of killing Ptolemy, and thereby putting an end to the war. He was taken for an Egyptian, so that he met with no difficulty in approaching Ptolemy's tent. He entered the tent, but the king was not there. The rage of Theodotus, however, was so great, and he was so blinded by this mad principle, that he did not perceive it, and he killed the first physician in mistake for the monarch. He also wounded two other persons, and during the alarm which the attempt occasioned he escaped to his own camp.

The two kings at length resolving to decide their quarrel, drew up their armies in battle array. They rode amongst their troops, to animate them, and encourage them to behave valiantly. Arsinoe, the sister and wife of Ptolemy, was not content with exhorting the soldiers to behave manfully before the battle, but did not leave her husbandbrother during the heat of the engagement.

The issue of this engagement was, that Antiochus, at the head of his right wing, defeated the enemy's left. But whilst hurried on with rash ardour, he engaged too warmly in the pursuit. Ptolemy, who had been as successful in the other wing, charged the centre of the troops of Antiochus in flank, which was then exposed, and he broke it before it was possible for that prince to come to its relief. An old officer, watching the direction of the dust, concluded that the centre was defeated, and drew the attention of Antiochus to that point. He faced about that instant, but he came too late to amend his fault, for his army was broken and put to flight. Antiochus himself was obliged to retreat. He retired to Raphia, and afterwards to Gaza, with the loss of 10,000 men killed, and 4,000 taken prisoners. Finally, finding it impossible for him to maintain himself in that country against Ptolemy, he abandoned all his conquests, and retreated to Antioch with the remains of his army.

The battle of Raphia was fought at the same time with that in which Hannibal defeated Flaminius the consul, on the banks of the lake Thrasymenus in Etruria.

The inhabitants of Colo-Syria and Palestine, having been long accustomed to the yoke of Egypt, were more attached to the Egyptians than to Antiochus; hence, after his retreat, they submitted to Ptolemy with great cheerfulness. The court of the conqueror was soon crowded with ambassadors from all the cities, and from Judea among the rest, to make their submission and to offer him presents.

After receiving these ambassadors, Ptolemy made a progress through his conquered provinces, and among other cities, he visited Jerusalem.

We learn from the book of Maccabees that he went to the temple, and even offered sacrifices to the God of Israel; making at the same time oblations and bestowing considerable gifts. Not being satisfied, however, with viewing it from the outward court, beyond which no Gentile was allowed to go, he was desirous to enter the sanctuary, and to go even as far as the Holy of Holies, to which no one was allowed access but the high priest, and that but once

*

every

That is, on not more than one day in the year. During that day, he entered four times: the first time, to offer

year, on the great day of expiation. See Heb. ix. 7-10. The report of this rash desire soon spread abroad, and it occasioned a great tumult. The high priest informed Ptolemy of the holiness of that place, and the express law of God, by which all others were forbidden to enter it.† The priests and Levites, also, with one accord, opposed his rash design, and the people at large conjured him to lay it aside. Every place echoed with lamentations, occasioned by the idea of the profanation to which their temple would be exposed, and the multitude lifted up their hands to implore the interposition of Heaven. This opposition, instead of prevailing with the king, only inflamed his curiosity the more. He forced his way as far as the second court; but as he was preparing to enter the temple itself, he was struck with such terror that he was carried off half dead. After this, he left the city, highly exasperated against the Jewish nation, and threatening it with vengeance. He kept his word. The following year, B. C. 216, he raised a cruel persecution, especially against the Jews of Alexandria, whom he endeavoured to reduce by force to worship idols.

When Antiochus arrived in Antioch, he sent an embassy to Ptolemy, to sue for peace. The circumstances which prompted him to this were, his suspicions of the fidelity of his people, with whom his credit was lessened since his last defeat, and his desire of checking the progress which Achæus was making in his dominions. To obviate these dangers, he invested his ambassador with powers to give up to Ptolemy the provinces of Colo-Syria and Palestine, which were the subject of their contest. A truce was therefore agreed upon for twelve months; and before the expiration of that time, a peace was concluded on the offered terms.

Ptolemy, who might have taken advantage of this victory, and probably have conquered all Syria, was desirous of putting an end to the war, that he might devote himself to his pleasures. His subjects, knowing his want of spirit and effeminacy, could not conceive how it had been possible for him to have been so successful; and at the same time they were displeased at his having concluded a peace so readily. The discontent they conceived on this account was the chief source of the subsequent disorders in Egypt, which finally rose to an open rebellion; so that Ptolemy, by endeavouring to avoid a foreign war, drew one upon himself in his own dominions.

incense; the second time, to sprinkle the blood of the bullock; the third time, with the blood of the goat; and the fourth time, to bring out the censer. If he entered a fifth time that day, it was considered that he was worthy of death.

It was death for any one else, priest or layman, to enter the sanctuary. So carefully was this observed and provided for, that, to prevent its being necessary for any one to enter to bring out the body of the high priest in case he should die there before the Lord on the great day of supplication, a cord was fastened to his foot, the end of which was left beyond the veil. The Jews were always in fear lest the high priest should perish in performing the services of that great day.

Celo-Syria included that part of Syria which lies between the mountains Libanus and Anti-Libanus and Palestine, or the country which anciently was inherited by the Hebrews: the coast of these two provinces was what the Greeks called Phenicia.

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About B. C. 210, the Romans, according to Livy, sent deputies to Ptolemy and Cleopatra, (the same queen before called Arsinoe,*) to renew their ancient friendship and alliance with Egypt. These carried, as a present to the king, a robe and purple tunic, with an ivory chair; and to the queen, an embroidered robe and a purple scarf, presents which bear testimony to the happy simplicity which prevailed among the Romans at this period.

During the ten succeeding years, after the signal victory which Philopater had obtained over Antiochus at Raphia, he abandoned himself to pleasures and excesses of every kind. Agathoclea his concubine, Agathocles her brother, and their mother, governed him entirely. All his time was spent in gaming, drinking, and the most infamous irregularities. His nights were passed in debauches, and his days in feasts and revels. Forgetting the duties and character of a king, instead of applying himself to the affairs of state, he valued himself upon presiding at concerts, and his skill in music. The women, Justin says, disposed of every thing. They conferred all employments and governments; and no one had less authority in the kingdom than the king himself. Sosibius, who had been in office during three reigns, was at the helm, and his experience had made him capable of the administration. He could not act, indeed, as he desired, but as the favourites would permit him; and he was so servile and so wicked, that he paid blind obedience to the unjust commands of a corrupt prince and his unworthy minions.

Arsinoe, appears, had no power or authority at court during this period. The favourites and prime minister did not, indeed, show her the least respect; and she was not patient enough to suffer every thing without murmuring, At length, the king and those who governed him grew weary of her complaints, and they commanded Sosibius to rid them of her. The degenerate minister obeyed: for that purpose, he employed one Philammon, who, it has been conjectured, was experienced in such barbarous deeds.

This last base action drew upon the head of Sosibius the vengeance of the people; and their clamours were so loud, that he was obliged to quit his employment. He was succeeded by Tlepolemus, a young man of quality, who had signalized himself in the army by his valour and conduct; and who was chosen unanimously by the grand council held for the purpose of choosing a prime minister. Sosibius resigned to him the king's seal, which was the badge of his office. Tlepolemus performed the several functions of it, and governed all the affairs of the kingdom during the king's life. But though this was not long, he discovered that he had not all the qualifications necessary for so difficult a post. He had neither the experience, ability, nor application of his pre

* Justin calls her Eurydice: if he is not in error, this queen had, therefore, three names-Arsinoe, Cleopatra, and Eurydice. Cleopatra was, however, a name common to the queens of Egypt, as that of Ptolemy was to the kings.

decessor. As he had the administration of the finances, and disposed of all honours and dignities in the state, all the people were assiduous in making their court to him. He was extremely liberal; but his bounty was bestowed without discernment, and almost solely on those who shared in his pleaThe extravagant flatteries of those who crowded about his person made him fancy his talents superior to those of all other men: till at length he assumed haughty airs, abandoned himself, like his master, to luxury and profusion, and at last grew insupportable to all around him.

sures.

In the mean time, Philopater was pursuing his guilty round of pleasure. But it has been well said by the poet, that

Death treads on pleasure's footsteps round the world,
When pleasure treads the path which reason shuns,
When against reason riot shuts the door,
And luxury supplies the place of sense.-Dr. Young.

Before Philopater had lived half the allotted days of man, he fell a victim to his intemperance and excesses. He died B. c. 204, after a reign of seventeen years, and was succeeded in his kingdom by Ptolemy Epiphanes, his son, who was then only five years of age.

PTOLEMY EPIPHANES.

As the only persons present at the death of Philopater were Agathocles, his sister, and their creatures, they concealed it as long as possible from the public, in order that they might have time to possess themselves of the money, jewels, and other valuable effects in the palace. They also formed a plan to maintain themselves in the same authority they had enjoyed under the deceased monarch, by usurping the regency during the minority of his son. They imagined this might easily be done, if they could despatch Tlepolemus, and measures were concerted by them for this purpose.

But the mischief they designed for others fell upon their own heads. The people were informed, at length, of the king's death; and a great council of the Macedonians was assembled, in which Agathocles, and Agathoclea his sister were present. Agathocles, with tears in his eyes, opened the proceedings by imploring protection for the infant king, whom he held in his

arms.

He

He told them, that his royal sire, in his expiring moments, committed him to the care of Agathoclea, whom he pointed out to them; and had recommended him to the fidelity of the Macedonians: that, for this reason, he was come to implore their assistance against Tlepolemus, who meditated the design of usurping the crown. offered to bring witnesses to prove the treason of Tlepolemus. But his artifice was too gross to be believed. It served only, indeed, to recall to the remembrance of the people the many other crimes of which the favourites of Philopater had been guilty, and they immediately resolved upon the destruction of Agathocles, his sister, and all their creatures. The young king was taken out of their hands, and seated on the throne in the Hippodrome, after which, Agathocles, his sister, and Enanthe their mother were brought before him, and there put to death as by his order. The populace ex

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