interest the pride, the piety, or the fears, of their sovereign in the destruction of christianity. Perhaps they represented, that the glorious work of the deliverance of the empire was left imperfect, as long as an independent people was permitted to subsist and multiply in the heart of the provinces. The christians, (it might speciously be alleged), renouncing the gods and the institutions of Rome, had constituted a distinct republic, which might yet be suppressed before it had acquired any military force; but which was already governed by its own laws and magistrates, was possessed of a public treasure, and was intimately connected in all its parts, by the frequent assemblies of the bishops, to whose decrees their numerous and opulent congregations yielded an implicit obedience. Arguments like these may seem to have determined the reluctant mind of Diocletian to embrace a new system of persecution: but though we may suspect, it is not in our power to relate, the secret intrigues of the palace, the private views and resentments, the jealousy of women or eunuchs, and all those trifling but decisive causes which so often influence the fate of empires, and the councils of the wisest monarchs." Demolition of the The pleasure of the emperors was at church of Nico- length signified to the christians, who, during the course of this melancholy 23rd Feb. winter, had expected, with anxiety, the result of so many secret consultations. The twentythird of February, which coincided with the Roman festival of the Terminalia," was appointed (whether from accident or design) to set bounds to the progress of christianity. At the earliest dawn of day, the prætorian præfect, accompanied by several generals, tribunes, and officers of the revenue, repaired to the principal church of Nicomedia, which was situated on an eminence in the most populous and beautiful part of the city. The doors were instantly broke open; they rushed into the sanctuary; and as they searched in vain for some visible object of worship, they were obliged to content themselves with committing to the flames the volumes of holy scripture. The ministers of Diocletian were followed by a numerous body of guards and pioneers, who marched in order of battle, and were provided with all the instruments used in the destruction of fortified cities. By their incessant labour, a sacred edifice, which towered above the imperial palace, and had long excited the indignation and envy of the gentiles, was in a few hours levelled with the ground.P

media.

A. D. 303.

The first edict

The next day the general edict of against the chris- persecution was published; and though tians, Diocletian, still averse to the effusion of 24th of February. blood, had moderated the fury of Galerius, who proposed, that every one refusing to offer sacrifice, should iminediately be burnt alive, the penalties inflicted on the obstinacy of the christians might be deemed sufficiently rigorous and effectual. It was enacted, that their churches, in all the provinces of the empire, should be demolished to their foundations; and the punishment of death was denounced against

all who should presume to hold any secret assemblies for the purpose of religious worship. The philosophers, who now assumed the unworthy office of directing the blind zeal of persecution, had diligently studied the nature and genius of the christian religion; and as they were not ignorant that the speculative doctrines of the faith were supposed to be contained in the writings of the prophets, of the evangelists, and of the apostles, they most probably suggested the order, that the bishops and presbyters should deliver all their sacred books into the hands of the magistrates; who were commanded, under the severest penalties, to burn them in a public and solemn manner. By the same edict, the property of the church was at once confiscated; and the several parts of which it might consist, were either sold to the highest bidder, united to the imperial domain, bestowed on the cities and corporations, or granted to the solicitations of rapacious courtiers. After taking such effectual measures to abolish the worship, and to dissolve the government of the christians, it was thought necessary to subject to the most intolerable hardships the condition of those perverse individuals who should still reject the religion of nature, of Rome, and of their ancestors. Persons of a liberal birth were declared incapable of holding any honours or employments; slaves were for ever deprived of the hopes of freedom, and the whole body of the people were put out of the protection of the law. The judges were authorized to hear and to determine every action that was brought against a christian. But the christians were not permitted to complain of any injury which they themselves had suffered; and thus those unfortunate sectaries were exposed to the severity, while they were excluded from the benefits, of public justice. This new species of martyrdom, so painful and lingering, so obscure and ignominious, was, perhaps, the most proper to weary the constancy of the faithful: nor can it be doubted that the passions and interest of mankind were disposed on this occasion to second the designs of the emperors. But the policy of a well ordered government must sometimes have interposed in behalf of the oppressed christians; nor was it possible for the Roman princes entirely to remove the apprehension of punishment, or to connive at every act of fraud and violence, without exposing their own authority and the rest of their subjects to the most alarming dangers."

tian.

This edict was scarcely exhibited to Zeal and punishthe public view, in the most conspicu- ment of a chrisous place of Nicomedia, before it was torn down by the hands of a christian, who expressed, at the same time, by the bitterest invectives, his contempt as well as abhorrence for such impious and tyrannical governors. His offence, according to the mildest laws, amounted to treason, and deserved death. And if it be true that he was a person of rank and education, those circumstances could serve only to aggravate his guilt. He was burnt, or rather roasted, by a slow fire; and his executioners, zealous to revenge the personal insult which had been offered to the emperors, exhausted every refinement of cruelty, without being able to subdue his patience, or to alter the steady and insulting smile which in his dying agonies he still preserved in his countenance. The This disregard consisted in this, that the christians fasted and prayed instead of taking part in the feasts and sacrifices which she christians, though they confessed that his conduct had was celebrating with the pagans-Dapibus sacrificabat poene quo- not been strictly conformable to the laws of prudence, tidie ac vicariis suis epulis exhibebat. Christiani abstinebant et illa admired the divine fervour of his zeal; and the excescum gentibus epulante, jejuniis hi et orationibus insistebant, hinc concepit odium adversus eos, &c. (Lact. De Mort. pers. c. 11.)-G.] sive commendations which they lavished on the The worship and festival of the god Terminus are elegantly il-memory of their hero and martyr, contributed to fix lustrated by M. de Boze, Mem. de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. a deep impression of terror and hatred in the mind of In our only MS. of Lactantius, we read profectus; but reason, Diocletian. and the authority of all the critics, allow us, instead of that word, which destroys the sense of the passage, to substitute præfectus. P Lactantius de M. P. c. 12. gives a very lively picture of the de

The only circumstance which we can discover, is the devotion and jealousy of the mother of Galerius. She is described by Lac She had a great influence over her son, and was offended by the dis

tautius, as Deorum montium cultrix; mulier admodum superstitiosa.

regard of some of her christian servants.

1. p. 50.

struction of the church.

This proves nothing. The edict of Diocletian was executed in all its rigour during the remainder of his reign. (Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. viii. chap. 13.)-G.]

Many ages afterwards, Edward I. practised, with great success, the same mode of persecution against the clergy of England. See Hume's History of England, vol. ii. p. 300, last 4to edition.

Lactantius only calls him quidam, etsi non recte, magno tamen

Fire of the palace

christians.

first, indeed, the magistrates were restrained from the effusion of blood; but the use of every other severity was permitted, and even recommended, to their zeal; nor could the christians, though they cheerfully resigned the ornaments of their churches, resolve to interrupt their religious assemblies, or to deliver their sacred books to the flames. The pious obstinacy of Felix, an African bishop, appears to have embarrassed the subordinate ministers of the government. The curator of his city sent him in chains to the proconsul. The proconsul transmitted him to the prætorian præfect of Italy; and Felix, who disdained even to give an evasive answer, was at length beheaded at Venusia, in Lucania, a place on which the birth of Horace has conferred fame." This precedent, and perhaps some imperial rescript, which was issued in consequence of in punishing with death the refusal of the christians to deliver up their sacred books. There were undoubtedly many persons who embraced this opportunity of obtaining the crown of martyrdom; but there were likewise too many who purchased an ignominious life, by discovering and betraying the holy scripture into the hands of infidels. A great number even of bishops and presbyters acquired, by this criminal compliance, the opprobrious epithet of Traditors; and their offence was productive of much present scandal, and of much future discord, in the African church.

His fears were soon alarmed by the of Nicomedia im- view of a danger from which he very puted to the narrowly escaped. Within fifteen days the palace of Nicomedia, and even the bedchamber of Diocletian, were twice in flames; and though both times they were extinguished without any material damage, the singular repetition of the fire was justly considered as an evident proof that it had not been the effect of chance or negligence. The suspicion naturally fell upon the christians; and it was suggested, with some degree of probability, that those desperate fanatics, provoked by their present sufferings, and apprehensive of impending calamities, had entered into a conspiracy with their faithful brethren, the eunuchs of the palace, against the lives of two emperors, whom they detested as the irreconcilable enemies of the church of God. Jealousy and resent-it, appeared to authorize the governors of provinces, ment prevailed in every breast, and especially in that of Diocletian. A great number of persons, distinguished either by the offices which they had filled, or by the favour which they had enjoyed, were thrown into prison. Every mode of torture was put in practice, and the court, as well as city, was polluted with many bloody executions. But as it was found impossible to extort any discovery of this mysterious transaction, it seems incumbent on us either to presume the innocence, or to admire the resolution, of the sufferers. A few days afterwards Galerius hastily withdrew himself from Nicomedia, declaring, that if he delayed his departure from that devoted palace, he should fall a sacrifice to the rage of the christians. The ecclesiastical historians, from whom alone we derive a partial and imperfect knowledge of this persecution, are at a loss how to account for the fears and dangers of the emperors. Two of these writers, a prince and a rhetorician, were eye-witnesses of the fire of Nicomedia. The one ascribes it to lightning, and the divine wrath; the other affirms, that it was kindled by the malice of Galerius himself."

The copies, as well as the versions, Demolition of the of scripture, were already so multiplied churches. in the empire, that the most severe inquisition could no longer be attended with any fatal consequences; and even the sacrifice of those volumes, which, in every congregation, were preserved for public use, required the consent of some treacherous and unworthy christians. But the ruin of the churches was easily effected by the authority of the government, and by the labour of the pagans. In some provinces, however, the magistrates contented themselves with shutExecution of the As the edict against the christians was ting up the places of religious worship. In others, first edict. designed for a general law of the whole they more literally complied with the terms of the empire, and as Diocletian and Galerius, though they edict; and after taking away the doors, the benches, might not wait for the consent, were assured of the and the pulpit, which they burnt, as it were in a funeconcurrence, of the western princes, it would appear ral pile, they completely demolished the remainder of more consonant to our ideas of policy, that the govern- the edifice. It is perhaps to this melancholy occasion, ors of all the provinces should have received secret that we should apply a very remarkable story, which instructions to publish, on one and the same day, this is related with so many circumstances of variety and declaration of war within their respective departments. improbability, that it serves rather to excite than to It was at least to be expected, that the convenience of satisfy our curiosity. In a small town in Phrygia, of the public highways and established posts would have whose name as well as situation we are left ignorant, enabled the emperors to transmit their orders with the it should seem that the magistrates and the body of utmost despatch from the palace of Nicomedia to the the people had embraced the christian faith; and as extremities of the Roman world; and that they would some resistance might be apprehended to the execution not have suffered fifty days to elapse, before the edict of the edict, the governor of the province was supportwas published in Syria, and near four months before it ed by a numerous detachment of legionaries. On their was signified to the cities of Africa. This delay may approach the citizens threw themselves into the church, perhaps be imputed to the cautious temper of Diocle- with the resolution either of defending by arms that tian, who had yielded a reluctant consent to the mea-sacred edifice, or of perishing in its ruins. They insures of persecution, and who was desirous of trying the experiment under his most immediate eye, before he gave way to the disorders and discontent which it must inevitably occasion in the distant provinces. At

animo, &c. c. 12. Eusebius (1. viii. c. 5.) adorns him with secular honours. Neither have condescended to mention his name; but the Greeks celebrate his memory under that of John. See Tillemont, Memoires Ecclesiastiques, tom. v. part ii. p. 320.

t Lactantius de M. P. c. 13, 14. Potentissimi quondam eunuchi necati, per quos palatium et ipse constabat. Eusebius (1. viii. c. 6.) mentions the cruel extortions of the eunuchs, Gorgonius and Dorotheus, and of Anthimius, bishop of Nicomedia; and both those writers describe, in a vague but tragical manner, the horrid scenes which were acted even in the imperial presence.

rum, c. 25.

dignantly rejected the notice and permission which was given to them to retire, till the soldiers, provoked by their obstinate refusal, set fire to the building on all sides, and consumed, by this extraordinary kind of martyrdom, a great number of Phrygians, with their wives and children."

w See the Acta Sincera of Ruinart, p. 353; those of Felix of Thitions, which afford a lively specimen of legendary licence. hara, or Tibiur, appear much less corrupted than in the other edi

See the first book of Optatus of Milevis against the Donatists at Paris, 1700. edit. Dupin. He lived under the reign of Valens. y The ancient monuments, published at the end of Optatus, p. 261, &c. describe, in a very circumstantial manner, the proceedings of the governors in the destruction of churches. They made a minute See Lactantius, Eusebius, and Constantine, ad Cœtum Sancto inventory of the plate, &c. which they found in them. That of the Eusebius confesses his ignorance of the cause of the fire. church of Cirta, in Numidie, is still extant. It consisted of two cha[Since the history of these times affords no example of any at.lices of gold, and six of silver; six urns, one kettle, seven lamps, all tempt made by the christians against their persecutors, we have no likewise of silver; besides a large quantity of brass utensils, and reason except probability for attributing to them the burning of the wearing apparel. palace, and the testimony of Constantine and Galerius remains to explain it. M. de Tillemont has shown how the different accounts may be reconciled. (Hist. des Empereurs. Vie de Diocletian $ 19.) -G.]

Tillemont, Memoires Ecclesiast. tom. v. part. i. p. 43.

says Eusebius. Lactantius confirms this circumstance-universum z [All the inhabitants, and not merely a great number were burnt, populum.-G.]

Lactantius (Institut. Divin. v. 11.) confines the calamity to the conventiculum, with its congregation. Eusebius (viii. 11.) extends it

Constantine;

The mild and humane temper of Con- in the western stantius was averse to the oppression of provinces under of any part of his subjects. The princi- Constantius and pal offices of his palace were exercised by christians. He loved their persons, esteemed their fidelity, and entertained not any dislike to their religious principles. But as long as Constantius remained in the subordinate station of Cæsar, it was not in his power openly to reject the edicts of Diocletian, or to disobey the commands of Maximian. His authority contributed, however, to alleviate the sufferings which he pitied and abhorred. He consented, with reluctance, to the ruin of the churches; but he ventured to protect the christians themselves from the fury of the populace, and from the rigour of the laws. The provinces of Gaul (under which we may probably include those of Britain) were indebted, for the singular tranquillity which they enjoyed, to the gentle interposition of their sovereign. But Datianus, the president or governor of Spain, actuated either by zeal or policy, chose rather to execute the public edicts of the emperors than to understand the secret intentions of Constantius; and it can scarcely be doubted, that his provincial administration was stained with the blood of a few martyrs. The elevation of Constantius to the supreme and independent dignity of Augustus, gave a free scope to the exercise of his virtues, and the shortness of his reign did not prevent him from establishing a system of toleration, of which he left the precept and the example to his son Constantine. His fortunate son, from the first moment of his accession, declaring himself the protector of the church, at length deserved the appellation of the first emperor who publicly professed and established the christian religion. The motives of his conversion, as they may variously be deduced from benevo

Subsequent Some slight disturbances, though they edicts. were suppressed almost as soon as excited, in Syria and the frontiers of Armenia, afforded the enemies of the church a very plausible occasion to insinuate, that those troubles had been secretly fomented by the intrigues of the bishops, who had already forgotten their ostentatious professions of passive and unlimited obedience. The resentment, or the fears, of Diocletian, at length transported him beyond the bounds of moderation, which he had hitherto preserved, and he declared, in a series of cruel edicts, his intention of abolishing the christian name. By the first of these edicts, the governors of the provinces were directed to apprehend all persons of the ecclesiastical order; and the prisons, destined for the vilest criminals, were soon filled with a multitude of bishops, presbyters, deacons, readers, and exorcists. By a second edict, the magistrates were commanded to employ every method of severity which might reclaim them from their odious superstition, and oblige them to return to the established worship of the gods. This rigorous order was extended, by a subsequent edict, to the whole body of christians, who were exposed to a violent and general persecution. Instead of those salutary restraints, which had required the direct and solemn testimony of an accuser, it became the duty as well as the interest of the imperial officers, to discover, to pursue, and to torment, the most obnoxious among the faithful. Heavy penalties were denounced against all who should presume to save a proscribed sectary from the just indignation of the gods, and of the emperors. Yet, notwithstanding the severity of this law, the virtuous courage of many of the pagans, in concealing their friends or relations, affords an honourable proof, that the rage of superstition had not extinguished in their minds the sentiments of nature and hu-lence, from policy, from conviction, or from remorse; manity.d

e

and the progress of the revolution, which, under his General idea of Diocletian had no sooner published his powerful influence, and that of his sons, rendered christhe persecution edicts against the christians, than, as if tianity the reigning religion of the Roman empire, will he had been desirous of committing to other hands the form a very interesting and important chapter in the work of persecution, he divested himself of the im- third volume of this history. At present it may be perial purple. The character and situation of his col-sufficient to observe, that every victory of Constantine leagues and successors sometimes urged them to en- was productive of some relief or benefit to the church. force, and sometimes inclined them to suspend, the execution of these rigorous laws; nor can we acquire a just and distinct idea of this important period of ecclesiastical history, unless we separately consider the state of christianity, in the different parts of the empire, during the space of ten years, which elapsed between the first edicts of Diocletian, and the final peace of the church.

The provinces of Italy and Africa ex- in Italy and Afperienced a short but violent persecution. rica, under MaxThe rigorous edicts of Diocletian were imian and Sevestrictly and cheerfully executed by his rus. associate Maximian, who had long hated the christians, and who delighted in acts of blood and violence. In the autumn of the first year of the persecution, the two emperors met at Rome to celebrate their triumph; several oppressive laws seem to have issued from their secret consultations, and the diligence of the magisto a whole city, and introduces something very like a regular siege. trates was animated by the presence of their sovereigns. His ancient Latin translator, Rufinus, adds the important circum After Diocletian had divested himself of the purple, stance of the permission given to the inhabitants of retiring from thence. As Phrygia reached to the confines of Isauria, it is possible Italy and Africa were administered under the name of that the restless temper of those independent barbarians may have Severus, and were exposed, without defence, to the imAmong Eusebius, 1. viii. c. 6. M. de Valois (with some probability)placable resentment of his master Galerius. thinks that he has discovered the Syrian rebellion in an oration of the martyrs of Rome, Adauctus deserves the notice of Libanius; and that it was a rash attempt of the tribune, Eugenius, posterity. He was of a noble family in Italy, and had who, with only five hundred men, seized Antioch, and might per- raised himself, through the successive honours of the haps allure the christians by the promise of religious toleration.From Eusebius (1. ix. c. 8.) as well as from Moses of Chorene, (Hist. palace, to the important office of treasurer of the priArmen. I. ii. c. 77, &c.) it may be inferred, that christianity was al- vate demesnes. Adauctus is the more remarkable for ready introduced into Armenia. being the only person of rank and distinction who ap

contributed to this misfortune.

b[He had already departed from it in his former edict. It does not appear that either resentment or fear had any part in instigating these new persecutions; perhaps superstition, or a seeming respect for his ministers, was the cause of it. The oracle of Apollo, when consulted by Diocletian, returned no answer, and said that just men prevented it from speaking. Constantine, who assisted at the ceremony, solemnly affirms, that being interrogated concerning these men, the chief priest named the christians. "The emperor eagerly seized upon this response, and from it drew against the innocent the sword designed to punish the guilty. He issued at once bloody edicts, written, if I may use the expression, with the point of the dagger; he commanded the judges to employ all their address in inventing new punishments." Eusebius, Life of Constantine, ib. ii. chap. 51.)-G.]

e See Mosheim, p. 938; the text of Eusebius very plainly shows, that the governors, whose powers were enlarged, not restrained, by the new laws, could punish with death the most obstinate christians, as an example to their brethren.

d Athanasius, p. 833. ap. Tillemont, Mem. Ecclesiast. tom. v. part. i. p. 90. VOL. I.-2 A

Eusebius, 1. vii. c. 13. Lactantius de M. P. c. 15. Dodwell (Dissertat. Cyprian. xi. 75.) represents them as inconsistent with each other. But the former evidently speaks of Constantius in the station of Cæsar, and the latter of the same prince in the rank of Au gustus.

f Datianus is mentioned in Gruter's Inscriptions, as having determined the limits between the territories of Pax Julia, and those of Ebora, both cities in the southern part of Lusitania. If we recollect the neighbourhood of those places to Cape St. Vincent, we may sus pect that the celebrated deacon and martyr of that name has been inaccurately assigned by Prudentius, &c. to Saragossa, or Valentia. See the pompous history of his sufferings, in the Memoires de Tillemont, tom. v. part ii. p. 58-85. Some critics are of opinion, that the department of Constantius, as Cæsar, did not include Spain, which still continued under the immediate jurisdiction of Maximian.

[We can add also the principal eunuchs, Dorotheus, Gorgonius, and Andreas, who, the personal attendants of Diocletian, possessed his favor, and had the direction of his household. (V. Gibbon,

pears to have suffered death, during the whole course were obliged to purchase them from the most distant of this general persecution.1 provinces of the east. A story is related of Aglae, a Roman lady, descended from a consular family, and possessed of so ample an estate, that it required the management of seventy-three stewards. Among these, Boniface was the favourite of his mistress; and as Aglae mixed love with devotion, it is reported that he was permitted to share her bed. Her fortune enabled her to gratify the pious desire of obtaining some sacred relics from the east. She intrusted Boniface with a considerable sum of gold, and a large quantity of aromatics; and her lover, attended by twelve horsemen and three covered chariots, undertook a remote pilgrimage as far as Tarsus in Cilicia."

tians who had renounced the religion and ceremonies | temples were repaired and beautified by the order of instituted by their fathers; and presumptuously de- Maximin; and the officiating priests of the various spising the practice of antiquity, had invented extrava- deities were subjected to the authority of a superior gant laws and opinions according to the dictates of pontiff destined to oppose the bishop, and to promote their fancy, and had collected a various society from the cause of paganism. These pontiffs acknowledged, the different provinces of our empire. The edicts which in their turn, the supreme jurisdiction of the metropoliwe have published to enforce the worship of the gods tans or high priests of the province, who acted as the having exposed many of the christians to danger and immediate vicegerents of the emperor himself. A distress, many having suffered death, and many more, white robe was the ensign of their dignity; and these who still persist in their impious folly, being left des-new prelates were carefully selected from the most notitute of any public exercise of religion, we are dis-ble and opulent families. By the influence of the maposed to extend to those unhappy men, the effects of gistrates, and of the sacerdotal order, a great number our wonted clemency. We permit them therefore of dutiful addresses were obtained, particularly from freely to profess their private opinions, and to assem- the cities of Nicomedia, Antioch, and Tyre, which artble in their conventicles without fear or molestation, fully represented the well-known intentions of the provided always that they preserve a due respect to the court as the general sense of the people; solicited the established laws and government. By another rescript emperor to consult the laws of justice rather than the we shall signify our intentions to the judges and ma- dictates of his clemency; expressed their abhorrence of gistrates; and we hope that our indulgence will en- the christians, and humbly prayed that those impious gage the christians to offer up their prayers to the deity sectaries might at least be excluded from the limits of whom they adore, for our safety and prosperity, for their respective territories. The answer of Maximin their own and for that of the republic." It is not usu- to the address which he obtained from the citizens of ally in the language of edicts and manifestos, that we Tyre is still extant. He praises their zeal and devoshould search for the real character or the motives of tion in terms of the highest satisfaction, descants on princes; but as these were the words of a dying em- the obstinate impiety of the christians, and betrays by peror, his situation, perhaps, may be admitted as a the readiness with which he consents to their banishpledge of his sincerity. ment, that he considered himself as receiving, rather Peace of the When Galerius subscribed this edict than as conferring, an obligation. The priests as well church. of toleration, he was well assured that as the magistrates were empowered to enforce the exeLicinius would readily comply with the inclinations cution of his edicts, which were engraved on tables of of his friend and benefactor, and that any measures in brass; and though it was recommended to them to favour of the christians would obtain the approbation avoid the effusion of blood, the most cruel and ignoof Constantine. But the emperor would not venture minious punishments were inflicted on the refractory to insert in the preamble the name of Maximin, whose christians. consent was of the greatest importance, and who sucThe Asiatic christians had every End of the perceeded a few days afterwards to the provinces of thing to dread from the severity of a secutions. Asia. In the first six months, however, of his new bigoted monarch who prepared his measures of vioreign, Maximin affected to adopt the prudent coun-lence with such deliberate policy. But a few months sels of his predecessor; and though he never conde- had scarcely elapsed, before the edicts published by scended to secure the tranquillity of the church by a the two western emperors obliged Maximin to suspend public edict, Sabinus, his prætorian præfect, addressed the prosecution of his designs: the civil war which he a circular letter to all the governors and magistrates so rashly undertook against Licinius employed all his of the provinces, expatiating on the imperial clemen-attention; and the defeat and death of Maximin soon cy, acknowledging the invincible obstinacy of the delivered the church from the last and most implacchristians, and directing the officers of justice to cease able of her enemies. their ineffectual prosecutions, and to connive at the secret assemblies of those enthusiasts. In consequence of these orders, great numbers of Christians were released from prison, or delivered from the mines. The confessors, singing hymns of triumph, returned into their own countries; and those who had yielded to the violence of the tempest, solicited with tears of repentance their re-admission into the bosom of the church. But this treacherous calm was of short Maximin pre. duration; nor could the christians of the the persecution. east place any confidence in the character of their sovereign. Cruelty and superstition were the ruling passions of the soul of Maximin. The former suggested the means, the latter pointed out the objects, of persecution. The emperor was devoted to the worship of the gods, to the study of magic, and to the belief of oracles. The prophets or philosophers, whom he revered as the favourites of heaven, were frequently raised to the government of provinces, and admitted into his most secret councils. They easily convinced him, that the christians had been indebted for their victories to their regular discipline, and that the weakness of polytheism had principally flowed from a want of union and subordination among the ministers of religion. A system of government was therefore instituted, which was evidently copied from the policy of the church. In all the great cities of the empire, the

pares to renew

and confessors.

In this general view of the persecu- Probable account tion, which was first authorized by the of the sufferings edicts of Diocletian, I have purposely of the martyrs refrained from describing the particular sufferings and deaths of the christian martyrs. It would have been an easy task, from the history of Eusebius, from the declamations of Lactantius, and from the most ancient acts, to collect a long series of horrid and disgusting pictures, and to fill many pages with racks and scourges, with iron hooks and red-hot beds, and with all the variety of tortures which fire and steel, savage beasts and more savage executioners, could inflict on the human body. These melancholy scenes might be enlivened by a crowd of visions and miracles destined either to delay the death, to celebrate the triumph, or to discover the relics of those canonized saints who suffered for the name of Christ.

■ See Eusebius, I. viii. c. 14. 1. ix. c. 2-8. Lactantius de M. P. c. 36. These writers agree in representing the arts of Maximin: but the former relates the execution of several martyrs, while the latter expressly affirms, occidi servos Dei vetuit.

[It is easy to reconcile them. It is sufficient to quote the entire passage from Lactantius: "Nam cum clementiam specie tenus profiteretur, occidi servos Dei vetuit, debilitari jussit. Itaque confessoribus effodiebantur oculi, amputabantur manus, pedes detruncabantur, nares vel auricula desecabantur. Hæc ille moliens Constantint literis deterretur. Dissimulavit ergo, et tamen, si quis inciderit mari occulte mergebatur." This enumeration of the torments inflicted upon the christians, is well fitted to reconcile the accounts of Lac

tantius and Eusebius. Those who died in consequence of their tor. tures, and those who were thrown into the sea, might well pass for q Eusebius (1. viii. c. 17.) has given us a Greek version, and Lac-martyrs. This mutilation of the passage from Lactantius alone tantius (de M. P. c. 34.) the Latin original, of this memorable edict. caused the apparent contradiction.-G.] Neither of these writers seems to recollect how directly it contradicts whatever they have just affirmed of the remorse and repentance of Galerius.

> Eusebius, 1, ix. c. 1. He inserts the epistle of the præfect.

A few days before his death he published a very ample edict of toleration, in which he imputes all the severities which the christians suffered, to the judges and governors, who had misunderstood his intentions. See the edict in Eusebius, 1. ix. c. 10.